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a split screen with an orange sign with an arrow and the words "voting"; on the other side an old-fashioned photo of a woman looking surprised
Image: Tina Tiller

ĀteaSeptember 19, 2023

Make voting sexy again: Why so many don’t make an election choice

a split screen with an orange sign with an arrow and the words "voting"; on the other side an old-fashioned photo of a woman looking surprised
Image: Tina Tiller

If those with the least wealth and privilege understood how much power they held collectively and exercised it at the polls, their voice really could make a difference.

 

My lover is walking around wearing a T-shirt that says “if the left votes, the left wins”. It makes me laugh – not the slogan, or the fact he’s wearing election merch – but the fact that I understand what it means. I remember during my first year of university, my social policy lecturer pacing back and forth in front of the whiteboard growing increasingly agitated as she attempted to break down the difference between the left and the right wings in politics. 

When the historical slides reached the 80s and 90s, I put up my hand. Again. Hadn’t the left just switched sides and become the right? What was the point of using a political spectrum to differentiate between parties, if their policies were interchangeable at the so-called “centre”, and indistinguishable at the extremes?

My ignorance was mistaken for belligerence. It’s the closest I’ve ever come to getting kicked out of a class. It might have been humiliating if not for the fact I knew I wasn’t the only one encountering the deeply contradictory nature of New Zealand politics for the first time.

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In my household growing up, people were too busy working and surviving to have debates about political ideology. My mother always voted and she cared about issues, but laws were made in another land, far away – it seemed – from the reality of putting food on the table and shoes on our feet. I didn’t learn about politics or systems of government at home, and I wasn’t enlightened at school, so I arrived at the polls at the age of 18 without a clue and even less of a care. I didn’t vote the first time I was eligible. I remember my boyfriend at the time looking down on me (he was tall) and asking why in the hell not. Apparently it is unsexy not to vote. I shrugged and gave one of the most common answers non-voters give: 

My vote wouldn’t make any difference.

Other common reasons people don’t vote – according to Stats NZ’s 2021 General Social Survey – include: 

I didn’t know who to vote for

I didn’t like any of the candidates

I didn’t know enough about the issues

It doesn’t matter which party is in government

‘My vote wouldn’t have made a difference’

The belief that a single vote doesn’t make a difference is a difficult one to overturn. My brother never voted once in the 30-odd years he was eligible. His reasons were complex, understandable and valid. In 2017, I managed to get him all the way to a polling booth. I was sure I’d be able to convince him to go inside next time around, but by the 2020 election it was too late and he was gone. 

The silence of those who don’t vote – around 17% of the total population – is loud. That silence is proportionately louder among Māori and Pacific communities. In 2020, according to Electoral Commission data, the percentage of eligible Māori who didn’t vote was 27%. By comparison, 16% of non-Māori withheld their vote. Electoral data doesn’t distinguish Pacific people from that total, but the 2021 Stats NZ General Social Survey suggests the percentage of Pacific non-voters would be comparable to Māori.

What is that silence saying, and, crucially, who benefits from it?

This is the underlying question the slogan on my lover’s T-shirt wants us to ponder. The inference is that the wealth-havers (traditionally “right wing”), as a percentage of the total population, are a minority. The majority (traditionally “left wing”) are workers. These stereotypes can be shot apart in all kinds of ways, particularly when placed in the broader context of ecological collapse, but there is a seduction in the numbers: if those with the least wealth and privilege understood how much power they held collectively, and exercised it at the polls the same way a small number of wealthy people exercise it in political donations, their voice really could make a difference.

This not-so-clandestine knowledge needs to be worn on T-shirts, and reiterated over and over again, until non-voters become convinced not only that their voice matters, but that voting is, indeed, sexy. 

‘I didn’t know who to vote for’

One of the most perplexing things about electioneering is that it often feels like the most unlikely and unqualified people think they know everything and should be in charge. Some leaders have a confidence that borders on arrogance. Humility isn’t the virtue in politics that it is in community. Media interviews sound polished, inauthentic and monotonous. After a while, policy announcements reach a crescendo of white noise punctured by phrases so familiar they sound like a turntable skipping over scratched vinyl.

The reality is, you have to be a human bullshit detector to make sense of the big-ticket policy items like tax cuts and GST off fruit and veges, while not letting the spats about who’s being squeezed versus who’s being squashed draw your attention away from issues that, at the end of the day, cut right across the fiction of the political spectrum. Issues that cannot put more money in an individual’s back pocket without a cost to Ranginui and Papatūānuku, and therefore by extension, ourselves.

This is all while trying to block out the cheap and under-handed pop-shots taken by able-bodied cis-white men at the expense of the most hard-working and vulnerable among us. There are some genuinely decent and authentic people vying to enter parliament, but plenty of voters will turn up at the polls on October 14 with nothing more to base their vote upon than the colours of the rainbow floating above a sea of unknown names.

Some political slogans on an orange background
(Image: Archi Banal)

‘I didn’t like any of the candidates’

Mike, a retail salesperson from Porirua who didn’t want to be identified, told me that he doesn’t vote because he can’t be bothered. “Politicians are all as bad as each other. I don’t want any of them. Politics is a load of crap. You can’t believe anything anyone says.”

My 21-year-old son sympathises with this view. He told me that an election is like a garage sale. “You don’t actually want anything they’re selling. I understand why people don’t vote, it makes sense if you can see it’s all just junk. You might find a marble you want, but you can’t just have the marble, you have to take the snakes and ladders set as well, even though it’s broken and you have no use for it.”

Paul Douglas, an astrophysicist and mathematician, says that it’s worse than that, because whether you like it or not you’re coming home from that garage sale with something. “You’ll have to live with the government in charge, regardless, whether you cast a vote or not,” he says. Douglas understands the inclination not to participate in a system a person doesn’t believe in but as a statistician, he also understands intimately the power of fractions, however small. “The way that direct proportionality (MMP) is designed, even the smallest voices can be heard. People might not realise just how powerful their voices truly are.”

Ultimately, this is the reason my son votes, despite his underlying apathy. “Not voting is like not fighting at all. It’s like giving up without trying. And that’s actually what politicians want, because then they get to keep their power. It’s important to me to know that if I got the chance, I took it. You don’t fold without playing your hand. No matter how slim the chance, we’ve got to take it. It’s my last fuck you to the whole thing.”

‘I didn’t know enough about the issues’

Media personality and reo Māori advocate Sonny Ngātai credits his high school teacher, Pā Hona Black, with explaining the meaning of “left wing” and “right wing” to him. 

“But sometimes,” he says, “I look at people and I think, does voting ‘left’ mean that I care more about people and communities? Is that the difference between us? But surely voters on the right also care about people? And I also care about the economy. So you end up asking yourself, is politics about ideas and beliefs, or is it just about power?” 

His question reminded me of something my friend Ruia Aperahama once said to me: “Fancy titles don’t make people leaders. Leaders are those whose examples inspire us to follow.”

The author’s drawing of the pou of Ngake and Whātaitai at parliament

‘It doesn’t matter which party is in government’

I live close enough to parliament to walk in its shadow every day, but I usually avoid it and take the waterfront. It’s hard to find any connection between what happens inside those oak-panelled chambers and what I truly care about.

At the foot of the stairs of parliament where so many petitions have been laid by defiant and visionary protesters over the years, I found myself gazing up – not into the eyes of a politician, but the iridescent pāua of the taniwha siblings Ngake and Whātaitai.

These carved pou were unveiled a few weeks ago in partnership with mana whenua of Te Āti Awa. Like all pūrākau (Māori creation stories), there are different tellings, but the one I like captures the deep connection between the pair. Like my brother, Ngake was strong and feisty. Whātaitai, like me, was more reserved and strategic.

For eons, Ngake and Whātaitai lived in the freshwater lake that we refer to today as Whanganui-a-Tara, or Wellington. Before the lake was a harbour, Ngake and Whataitai were contained, hemmed in, surrounded by cliffs on all sides. They could hear the waves of the great moana Raukawakawa crashing and calling beyond, and Ngake yearned to be free. He knew that this lake was not all there was.

Whātaitai looked up to her brother and admired him, but she wasn’t nearly as defiant or certain of the way. Eventually, Ngake broke free. Ngake, the protestor, Ngake, the resistance fighter. He unleashed his coiled strength and smashed through the cliffs and liberated himself. Whātaitai wanted to follow but her strength was different. Her strength was collective rather than individual.   

I remember my brother raising his bottle to congratulate me on the election of “my government” back in 2017. I said “it’s your government too,” but he shook his head and assured me it wasn’t. 

Looking up at the pou symbolising Ngake and Whātaitai outside parliament, it occurred to me that the leaders we’re looking for aren’t in front of us, but behind us. The lesson of Ngake and Whātaitai is not about voting or not voting. It isn’t about left and right or red and blue. It’s about pathways to freedom. 

This system of government isn’t all there is. That’s a cross-party truth. But participating in the election – voting – doesn’t mean that we don’t also continue to protest and resist. There is duality to everything. That’s the lesson. We need individual strength and collective strength. We need to protest and participate. Sometimes we need Ngake’s coiled inner strength to smash through. Other times we need to work together to dig our way out to the great ocean beyond.

Today, Whātaitai lies between the peninsula of Miramar and the airport. You can see her shape clearly when you fly in, or from the top of Mount Victoria. The real name of that place is Tangi Te Keo, referring to the grief Whātaitai felt when she ascended the hill and looked down upon her stranded shape between the entrance to the harbour and te moana Raukawakawa. 

So the story goes, Whātaitai transformed into a bird. On a good day, you can still hear her calling out to her brother above the roar of jet engines taking off and landing, and taking off again.

This is Public Interest Journalism funded through NZ On Air.

Keep going!
Debbie Ngarewa-Packer during Rātana celebrations in January 2023 (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)
Debbie Ngarewa-Packer during Rātana celebrations in January 2023 (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

ĀteaSeptember 19, 2023

The many hats of Debbie Ngarewa-Packer

Debbie Ngarewa-Packer during Rātana celebrations in January 2023 (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)
Debbie Ngarewa-Packer during Rātana celebrations in January 2023 (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

Since entering parliament in 2020, she’s made an unapologetically Māori mark on Aotearoa’s political landscape. Now Debbie Ngarewa-Packer is the front-runner in her electorate, co-leading an invigorated party.

It was an unmistakable break from the stuffy traditions of parliamentary attire when Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa Packer was sworn in as an MP in 2020. Draped across her shoulders was a korowai invoking the white feathers of the pacifist Parihaka settlement, and perched on her head a jaunty top hat, a nod to those worn by kuia ahead of the signing of the Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This was a vivid expression of a new kind of politics – and it was rather miraculous she was there at all.

There were just 1,053 votes between Ngarewa-Packer and Labour’s Adrian Rurawhe in the race for the Māori seat of Te Tai Hauāuru in the last election. While Rurawhe won the electorate, on the opposite coast, Ngarewa-Packer’s party-mate Rawiri Waititi took the seat of Waiariki and, as the party gained more than 1% of the party vote, was able to bring Ngarewa-Packer with him as a list MP. Over the last three years in parliament, and thanks to shrewd use of social media, community engagement and symbolic spectacle, the party of two has managed an outsized presence in the local political landscape.

It’s for this reason and more that this time around, Ngarewa-Packer’s chances of flipping the seat from Labour are looking far greater. With Rurawhe, now parliament’s speaker, going list only, she’s the most senior MP vying for the seat – and running against two comparatively low-profile candidates: Labour’s Soraya Peke-Mason, who contested the seat unsuccessfully in 2011, and Harete Hipango, the first National candidate standing for a Māori seat since 2002. It’s not unprecedented either; the seat was held by Te Pāti Māori from 2005 to 2014. Even Labour’s Māori strategist Willie Jackson has described her as the front-runner in the contest.

There’s a flash of dark rectangular sunglasses, a moko kauae, and that recognisable sleek jet-black ponytail. “It’s the other door,” Ngarewa-Packer calls out from her rolled down car window just before nipping into the driveway of a weather-worn hall. I’ve made the five-hour drive from Tāmaki Makaurau to the South Taranaki town of Hāwera, and she’s squeezing me in between commitments at a tangihanga at her marae, Pariroa Pā, and multiple incoming phone calls (her ringtone: Dr Dre’s ‘Still D.R.E.’).

Within seconds, Ngarewa-Packer is springing from the driver’s seat of the white four wheel drive that’s been turned ombre by sprays of mud. She’s wearing a pre-owned taupe motorcycle jacket, chunky Dr Martens and the tricolours of the tino rangatiratanga flag in manicure form – the epitome of the unique brand of Māori-fied sartorial flair she’s become known for since entering parliament. With a clatter of keys in hand, she shimmies the door to her electorate office. “We love that no one really knows we’re here, it’s our little secret,” she says. “But not everybody appreciates our uniqueness.” 

Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi wear their hats proudly in the house (Photo: Te Pāti Māori Facebook)

Hāwera, with a population of just over 10,000, is at the central coastal point of this expansive electorate, which stretches from Putāruru in southern Waikato to Porirua, north of Wellington. It encompasses nearly a quarter of the North Island, and holds the most diverse iwi makeup of any of the seven Māori electorates. Beyond a lone hoarding on the grassy neighbouring section imploring voters to vote Ngarewa-Packer for Te Tai Hauāuru, there are few visual cues that this is a candidate office. Partially that’s because – as the mud splattered on Ngarewa-Packer’s car suggests – an electorate this dispersed demands a mobile campaign. 

After the dramatic and tearful collapse of Te Pāti Māori in the 2017 election, few predicted the party would make a return to parliament in 2020. And Te Pāti Māori’s strong position going into this election is somewhat remarkable, given the trajectory of the party over the last two decades. 

Te Pāti Māori, or The Māori Party as it was then known, was founded in 2004 by Tariana Turia after she resigned as a minister from the Labour Party over the foreshore and seabed controversy. In 2017, after three terms in government with National, Te Pāti Māori failed to win a single seat – instead, they all went to Labour. That sudden changing tide across the Māori seats is often attributed to discontent among Māori voters with the ongoing arrangement between National and Te Pāti Māori, and within the following 12 months, the party’s senior co-leaders and president all resigned. 

Since 2020, the party has undergone something of a reinvention under its two new leaders, Ngarewa-Packer and Waititi, along with new party presidents Che Wilson and then John Tamihere. Going into the 2023 election, Te Pati Māori has made a point of distinguishing itself from its earlier iterations – ruling out working with National and more recently apologising to migrant and refugee communities for the “harmful” immigration policy published by the party in the lead-up to the last election. 

Three years in parliament have defined the uniquely Māori style of politics Ngarewa-Packer and Waititi bring, a style that has had an impact not only on the narratives and debates in the house, but on the way it looks and feels. “We can’t be who we were in the last era,” Ngarewa-Packer says. “There was a lot of time spent trying to reidentify ourselves, reposition ourselves; most importantly, to remind ourselves why a Māori movement is really important.” 

Debbie Ngarewa-Packer at Ki Whānau Gym adjoining her office. (Photo: Charlotte Muru-Lanning/additional design: Tina Tiller)

What’s immediately striking when you speak to Ngarewa-Packer is how quickly she talks. Sentences are relayed strikingly fast. She regularly begins new sentences before finishing the last, abruptly leaping from one thought to another as her mind finds another connection – but always looping back to the central point. You can almost hear the flickering thoughts racing through her mind.

Anecdotes and memories, often already quite remarkable in themselves, will be dotted with casual mentions of the time she studied at Stanford University, or that she’s a volunteer spin cycle instructor at the community gym that adjoins her office, or that she’s currently working on her PhD about her iwi Covid-19 response, or that she completed an MBA at the University of Tasmania, or that she owned a pizza delivery business as a single mum in her early 20s. In 2004, she helped rally a Taranaki contingent to join the foreshore and seabed hīkoi as it made its way to Wellington. Before that she spent years working in marketing for Telecom and TVNZ in Auckland. Now in her mid 50s, she’s a mother of three, and a grandmother of nine, and has been the chief executive of her Ngāti Ruanui rūnanga for over a decade and spent years lobbying against seabed mining. In 2007, she had a stint in local politics as deputy mayor of South Taranaki alongside Pākehā farmer Ross Dunlop – “we had nothing in common at all: [Ross] was an intergenerational farmer and I’m intergenerational loss of land,” she laughs. “But he was really, really brilliant.” Oh, and she can surf. Ngarewa-Packer is an overachiever, and much to her own delight, she’s exceptionally hard for others to pigeonhole. 

Just 20 minutes south along the coast from Ngarewa-Packer’s Hāwera office is Pātea, the small town where she was born and raised. Both her parents, Colleen (an Irish woman whom Ngarewa-Packer describes as “the best Tangata Tiriti woman in the world”) and Hemi, still live in the town and she lives just outside with her husband Neil in an intergenerational home. The coastal town remains the centre of her universe. 

Two events in Pātea, just over a century apart, have profoundly informed her politics. Behind the korowai and top hat stretches Ngarewa-Packer’s poignant and powerful whakapapa.

Debbie Ngarewa-Packer’s electorate office in Hāwera

In 1869 her great-grandfather Hohepa Ngarewa Tumahuki, then 16, was one of 74 men of the Pakakohi iwi who were sent as prisoners to Dunedin during the Taranaki muru raupatu (land confiscations). Eighteen died during their exile, but Hohepa survived and eventually returned to Parihaka, the only survivor from Ngarewa-Packer’s whānau to return home.  A decade later, the whānau was persecuted again for passively resisting land confiscations at Parihaka. “Probably the worst part about the displacement is we have no stories about ourselves,” she says. “We don’t have stories about how and who and what and why we are like this.”

Slightly more than a century later, on September 3, 1982, the Pātea Freezing Company closed after almost 100 years of operation. The works had been the economic basis of the thriving rural town, including Ngarewa-Packer’s whānau, for decades, and the impact was immediate. Without employment to keep them there, hundreds left Pātea in search of work. Those who had no choice but to remain struggled to find jobs and within weeks, Ngarewa-Packer recalls, “banks shut down, schools shut down, families shut down”. During the collapse, Ngarewa-Packer’s dad was abruptly unemployed and she moved home from boarding school at New Plymouth Girls’ High. It was the “second wave of fear” within her whānau following the muru raupatu over a century earlier. “I know that everyone deserves to live in peace and dignity and that we’ll have to take some hits to get there – but I’ll never have to take the degree of hits that my ancestors did,” she says.

But out of that economic and social rubble also came a defiantly Māori pop hit: Pātea Māori Club’s ‘Poi E’. Written by Māori linguist Ngoi Pewhairangi and scored by Dalvanius Prime, it’s a cultural phenomenon that Ngarewa-Packer regularly refers to. Since hearing it for the first time in 1984 as a teenager, it’s forever been a source of pride. “I knew behind the scenes what was going on – I knew that some of them had moved away and they were coming back for practice and that they were starting new lives with new jobs – I knew what it took for them to be together,” she says. “It was tough times, but then it was just pure frickin’ magic.”

“My whole purpose for going into politics was because I was sick and tired of our people on the ground being ignored. They have already proved themselves time after time that they can actually look after themselves if you can just get out of the way and resource them,” she says. “I’m living proof of that, ‘Poi E’ is living proof of that.” 

Beyond the long-lasting trauma fostered by this history, Ngarewa-Packer says these moments have entrenched a deep sense of what is right and what is wrong in her whānau. “All of that could have made you extremely troubled, quite screwed up really,” she says. “But I was really lucky when it came to the way that our whānau reacted – they absolutely encouraged aroha and forgiveness, forgiveness being the biggest thing you could ever do in life.”

Shortly before needing to jump onto a Zoom interview for Whakaata Māori, Ngarewa-Packer  proudly unfurls a black blazer that she’s upcycled from a local op shop. Both sleeves of the jacket have been sliced and reshaped, and a tiny tino rangatiratanga patch added too.

“Don’t look too close,” she says while holding up the sleeves. Impressively, in between all her other responsibilities, she finds the time for sewing and her “real love”, op-shopping. Animatedly, she rattles off a directory of secondhand shops along with notes on which spots have the best deals and which seem to end up with the cream of the crop when it comes to designer labels (both Hāwera and Te Kuiti get special mention). Recent acquisitions include a $13 men’s tuxedo suit in Te Awamutu, a pair of jeans converted into a skirt, and a men’s jacket transformed into a skirt. “I drag Rawiri in too, I don’t know if you’ve noticed Rawiri’s fashion looks better now?,” she says, laughing. “I truly believe that everyone has their own style.”

(Photo: Jane Ussher/Courtesy of the NZ Listener 2023)

At times – and often in reference to their symbolic displays of politics through choice of hats or neckwear or sneakers or song – critics have accused the party of being more about style than substance, performative rather than actually affecting meaningful legislative change. In response, the pair often point to progress made around Māori wards, Matariki, Oranga Tamariki, Matatini funding, the Māori Health Authority and the Māori Covid-19 response. They’re changes they believe wouldn’t have happened, or at least to the degree in which they have, without their presence in the house. 

Still, Ngarewa-Packer sees radical potential in those joyful expressions of identity. In addition to advancing buzz around this new generation of Te Pāti Māori, their aesthetic sparkle transcends just their own party. Rather, “everyone’s unapologetically Māori now”.  

“I often think, is it performative, or is it just being ourselves?,” Ngarewa-Packer says. “We have to encourage it because we’re not going to be stifled and quiet about things that matter, that’s not from our culture.

“We were never quiet politically – and passion should never be quiet.”

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