Nick Smith: ‘Our council has lost its way – I would encourage electors to vote for change’. (Photo: Toby Manhire / Design: Archi Banal)
Nick Smith: ‘Our council has lost its way – I would encourage electors to vote for change’. (Photo: Toby Manhire / Design: Archi Banal)

Local Elections 2022September 15, 2022

Nick Smith is engineering a political comeback

Nick Smith: ‘Our council has lost its way – I would encourage electors to vote for change’. (Photo: Toby Manhire / Design: Archi Banal)
Nick Smith: ‘Our council has lost its way – I would encourage electors to vote for change’. (Photo: Toby Manhire / Design: Archi Banal)

In his 31st year at parliament, Nick Smith suddenly quit. Now, after a stint with the family company, he’s back and running for the Nelson mayoralty. But is he really the man to repair what he calls a ‘toxic and dysfunctional’ council? Toby Manhire meets the political veteran in Nelson. 

Joe Biden began Nick Smith’s life in politics. It was 1983 and Smith, nearing the end of school, had travelled to the state of Delaware on an exchange programme. The headmaster at the Quaker school where he was studying asked him how he was finding things. The maths and science lessons, said the teenager, were covering territory he knew already. “That won’t do,” said the headmaster, by Smith’s account, and so he was instead sent along to American politics classes. 

Not long after, Senator Joe Biden paid a visit, and got talking to the kid from New Zealand. He invited him to do some work experience at the state capitol. “I’m really more of Republican,” said the kid. “I’m not really on the left.” “Not a problem,” was the future president’s response, and he hooked him up with the other side. “That contact triggered my interest in politics,” says Smith today. “I did five weeks as an assistant in the Delaware state parliament. I learnt the ropes and caught the bug.”

That bug sunk its teeth into Smith and never let go. On returning home to Nelson, New Zealand, the precocious teenager ran for the Rangiora District Council while still at school. He missed out narrowly, but went again three years later, successfully. In the meantime he completed his engineering study and went to work for the family firm, Smith Cranes.

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In 1990, Smith was elected to the parliamentary seat of Tasman for the National Party. When boundaries were redrawn for MMP in 1996, he won the seat of Nelson, and kept on winning it, serving in the cabinets of Jim Bolger, Jenny Shipley, John Key and his old friend Bill English. He lost the seat in the red tide of 2020, when Rachel Boyack was elected for Labour.

Smith was returned as a list MP for his 31st year as a parliamentarian, but, he says, he soon determined to retire by the end of the term. That decision was expedited, messily, however, when he exited after reportedly being warned by people close to then party leader Judith Collins that media were about to report on bullying allegations that were the subject of investigation by Parliamentary Service. 

And so Smith went back to the family firm, the company his brothers had built into the country’s biggest crane operation, worth, by the NBR’s estimate, more than $250 million. He swapped the exercise of one kind of power for the collection of another, managing the installation of giant wind farms on both islands. It’s involved a lot of travel, and a fair bit of “hard labour”, says Smith when we meet at The Styx cafe, down on the water to the west of Port Nelson. But when the mayor of the city, Rachel Reese, announced she wouldn’t be seeking re-election, the bug bit again. 

Bushy-tailed as ever at 57, Smith says he knows a shift to local government would take some adjusting. “It’s a learning curve,” he says. “If I am successful I have quite a lot of work to do. I have to change my ways – in the sense of looking at things not through a party political or central government lens, but looking a things in terms what they mean for local government. It’s a work in progress.”

He’s not shy in trumpeting the experience he has accumulated, however. At campaign events in Nelson on Sunday, Smith, who is standing as an independent, made frequent mention of his ministerial roles, reminding audience at least three times that he has held “15 different portfolios”. The devastating floods that struck the region last month, and the repair jobs they entail, play to his strengths, he says – the veteran politician and the civil engineer. His PhD subject was landslides, and not the electoral type. 

As the famous Nelson sun beams in through the window, Smith pulls from an orange folder the results of a survey he has commissioned from Curia, David Farrar’s polling company. He flicks to a page that supports his case. In answer to the question “Which mayoral candidate do you think has the best skills and experience to help rebuild Nelson’s infrastructure and recover from [the] storm damage?” 28% of respondents to the poll, conducted in late August, chose Smith, with councillor Matt Lawrey the next on 9%. “Unsure” was way out in front on 52%, and, yes, the question plays neatly to the Brand Smith strengths, but it’s a compelling result all the same.

Smith refuses to share the poll’s top line on voting intentions, but says he’s clear it won’t be a walk in the park. Three current councillors are mounting serious campaigns: Lawrey, who leans left, and Tim Skinner, who leans the other way. Rohan O’Neill-Stevens, a Green Party member standing as an independent, was elected to council in 2019 at 19 – younger even than Smith four decades earlier.

The task is complicated for Smith by a couple of things. The municipal electorate does not match that of Nelson’s parliamentary seat, with the most conservative areas outside the boundary. Even in defeat in 2020, booths in Richmond backed Smith to about 60%, he says. “So it’s a harder gig from that perspective.”

It’s also the first time the city will elect its council and mayor via the single transferable vote system. Under first-past-the-post, a mayor could be elected with a plurality – with, say, 40% of votes. Under STV, second preferences routinely come in to play; being ranked number one more than your rivals is no guarantee of victory.

While Smith bangs the drum of experience, he is simultaneously pitching himself as Mr Change, a new broom pushed by a veteran janitor. His stump speeches begin with a lamentation of a city he loves but “our council has lost its way – I would encourage electors to vote for change”.  

Dr Nick Smith in 2015, when he was minister for building and housing (Phil Walter, Getty Images)

As has been widely documented, Nelson City Council got ugly, over and over again, during the last three years. Every candidate is pledging to mount a repair job on a culture that Smith says has become “toxic and dysfunctional”. He turns to another page in the poll report, which shows 43% assessing the council performance over the last three years as below average, 37% average and just 14% above average. 

But, wait a second. If the culture of the council is toxic and dysfunctional, is the person to turn it around really someone who left parliament in a mist of controversy, amid staff accusations of bullying and harassment and an investigation by Parliamentary Service? “Look,” he says. “Thirty years in parliament. Nobody does 30 years in parliament without having some controversies. The difficulty about any public comments on it is that, whether you work for The Spinoff, parliament or council, you don’t talk about staffing matters publicly.”

He’ll say this much: “There was an incident more than two years ago that I regret. I lost my cool. I swore. I apologised at the time and I have learnt from it. In terms of culture issues at the council, some of those come down to just not understanding basic governance. It is absolutely clear to me that there has been a breakdown at council in the understanding between governance and management, whether it’s councillors having expectations about defining the colour of the paint on the toilet wall, which was one example given to me, or staff feeling extremely frustrated they’re getting multiple directions from different councillors and not knowing what to do, and councillors feeling frustrated, or the accusations from them that council staff are disrespectful of the governance body –” He takes a breath. “For it to work it is going to need a good level of clarity.” 

As for his personal modus operandi, Smith challenges detractors to talk to anyone in the city who has worked with him. “It’s a small community, everybody is so connected,” he says. “You can’t afford to burn bridges. You know, your kids go to the same school as the journalists at the Nelson Mail, or the business persons in the tennis club, all of that stuff … If you take the issues associated with my retirement from parliament, well, there’s over a dozen people that have worked in my office. One of them has worked for me for 26 years, she was on the public record and said she was surprised by what she read happened in Wellington, because she hadn’t heard me swear in 26 years of work.”

He says: “The bulk of the Nelson people are making a judgment about whether they want me as as mayor not based on a secondhand report in a newspaper or through a television broadcast, but because they’ve met with me or had some dealing with me over the course of 30 years. And I like it that way.”

One more thing on the parliamentary retirement. The warning to expect a media expose turned out to be wrong, a chimera. Did he get shafted? He won’t say. “I’m just not really interested in relitigating those issues … I just made a decision that that was as good a time as any to retire. And I’m not without fault. I regret the incident that occurred. I think the circumstances around it were exaggerated. But that’s just the nature of parliamentary politics.”

Still, in general terms, and with the very strange Gaurav Sharma saga fresh in minds, it’s fair to say politics makes an unorthodox workplace compared to, say, engineering. “That’s true,” he says. “The relationship between staff and an MP is really difficult, you know. I’ve had situations where staff have said: ‘You as minister don’t treat me as an equal, and you should’. Well, I’m sorry, that’s unrealistic. The very job of your parliamentarians – and it equally applies to mayor and councillors – is to hold the public sector to account. And if you start having the government and the bureaucracy deciding who are the elected people, you start actually breaking down.”

Campaign signage, then and now.

Smith opposes three waters, saying the case for the reform is overstated, and that Nelson, as one of the country’s few unitary authorities that does not have a separate, overlapping council, is an example of what works. That’s made even clearer in the response to the floods – adding a remote authority to the rebuild would just complicate matters, he’s argues.

Those floods are another reminder, as if any were needed, of the broiling threats exacted by a heating climate. There will be difficult decisions ahead about potential managed retreat, he says, prompted not just by flood risk but by the seismic threats lurking beneath the region, and the liquefaction those could bring. It comes down, he says, to “an economic analysis of what infrastructure will be required to protect against the risk”. 

He may be a spring chicken alongside President Biden, but does Smith still have the political ticker? “The honest truth is when you’re 57, your mind isn’t as sharp,” he says with a grimace. “So the capacity to be able to absorb information, keep it and recall it, isn’t as sharp as it was when I was a minister or member of parliament. But you make up for it in terms of the experience and background knowledge.” His political ability to re-engineer a question to his advantage is sharp as ever. “Three waters,” he says, beginning a count on his fingers. “The future of government. RMA changes. You know, I was on the select committee in 1991 that wrote the RMA. and the RMA was going to be the answer to all things. It didn’t quite work out that way.” 

‘If you regularly enjoy The Spinoff, and want it to continue, become a member today.’
Toby Manhire
— Editor-at-large

Those three decades in parliament include working constructively across the aisle, Smith says. “You build good strong relationships with people over long periods.” He points to David Parker as an example. “The number of conversations we’ve had behind the bike sheds  – both of us were really frustrated in that we had for 15 years ping-pong between having a carbon tax and an emissions trading scheme,” he says. Parker resisted “a lot of pressure from New Zealand First for Labour to switch back” in 2017, says Smith. “And David held the line.” 

If he returns to Wellington with Nelson mayor on his business cards, Smith reckons he’ll get a warm reception. “They know who you are, you know? They know your warts and your weaknesses, as well as your strengths. But in my view simply knowing your way around Wellington will be an advantage,” he says. 

“Here’s the last thing,” he says as I usher him outside for a photograph. “I think it is inevitable, regardless of government, for the next three years, that there is going to be substantive change in local government. The storm clouds are gathering. They’ve actually been gathering for about a decade. Regardless of your view on three waters, or the big planning changes associated with RMA, or the Future of Local Government [reform programme], change at least as big as what happened in the 1980s is about to occur. And that is one of the things that’s motivated me to actually want to be the mayor. It’s a real opportunity to lay the foundations for effective local government for this community for the next couple of decades. Right?”

Don’t forget to check out Policy.nz, your complete guide to the policies and positions of the candidates for the 2022 local elections.


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people with party signs
Endorsements are great for campaigning, but what do they mean after the elections? (Image: Tina Tiller)

Local Elections 2022September 13, 2022

Just the ticket: Why election candidates love to campaign with a team

people with party signs
Endorsements are great for campaigning, but what do they mean after the elections? (Image: Tina Tiller)

Local elections include plenty of truly independent candidates – but a lot fewer than you might expect. Shanti Mathias looks at how party endorsements and electoral tickets can mean the difference between victory and defeat.

“I like working in a team,” says Chrys Horn. The scientist is running as a candidate on the Environment Canterbury council, as part of The People’s Choice, a local ticket. Horn, along with 30 others, has joined the group, whose candidates are standing for the Environment Canterbury regional council, Christchurch City Council and community boards. 

Being part of The People’s Choice has advantages for candidates like Horn. She doesn’t have to organise her campaign on her own; she can share hoarding space and some campaigning resources. 

But tickets like The People’s Choice are also useful for voters. “One of the reasons people don’t vote is that it’s hard to tell what [candidates] stand for,” says Horn. Being part of a ticket gives voters a “signal of where their candidates stand”.

Local government expert Julienne Molineaux agrees. With multiple elections and candidates, many more than a central election, “[tickets] make the voting task easier,” she says. “If there are four candidates for my local board but I only know one of them – but I really trust that person – then I can vote for all their colleagues.” 

As with many aspects of local elections, the role of tickets and party endorsements are inconsistent through New Zealand, and the formal and financial arrangements can vary wildly. Outside of Wellington, Auckland, and Christchurch, almost every candidate stands as an independent or is unaffiliated. It’s not clear exactly why this is, says Molineaux, a senior lecturer at AUT. 

In Auckland and Christchurch it might be a function of size, she suggests; these councils are bigger, influence more people, and have a higher degree of visibility than councils in other regions. Wellington is a different case; the population area for Wellington City Council is similar to the Hutt, where candidates are almost always independents. “Perhaps that is just Wellington functioning as the centre of government,” Molineaux says. 

Endorsements and tickets can change how people vote in local elections (Photo: RNZ)

The role of local parties

Not all tickets are made equal. “They can be very ad hoc and short term, for a single purpose,” says Molineaux. “They don’t [necessarily] have the discipline of a party.” Without formal agreements, a relationship may fall apart after an election. Candidates on the same ticket may end up running against each other. A ticket can be nothing more than a loose agreement between people to write the same words in the “affiliation” section of their candidate nomination form and attend some of the same events. 

But tickets can also be much more formal arrangements. Groups like The People’s Choice in Christchurch, or Communities and Residents (C&R) and City Vision in Auckland are well-established and organised, Molineaux says, and they know what they’re doing when election season rolls around. “These groups have been around for decades, and have set protocols and processes for candidate selection and campaign running.”

While not officially affiliated, these groups have loose links to political parties. The People’s Choice is associated with Labour, City Vision with Labour and the Greens, and C&R with National. However membership of those political parties is not a prerequisite for joining the ticket. 

Candidates may highlight their endorsements on their hoardings (Photo: Supplied)

What an endorsement does for a candidate

In addition to tickets, which may run in multiple elections or just in one ward or local board area (the “Rodney First” ticket is an example of the latter in Auckland), political parties can also endorse candidates running for local councils – however only Labour and the Greens currently do this. Again, Molineaux says, the meaning of an endorsement can vary, and arrangements aren’t always transparent to voters. 

At a bare minimum, an endorsement is a party’s agreement not to run a competing candidate in that race. For example, Efeso Collins is running for Auckland mayor as an independent with a Labour endorsement; this means there are no other Labour candidates competing for the Auckland mayoralty, so the left-leaning vote isn’t split. 

An endorsement might also mean a political party mobilises its volunteers and local connections to support a candidate. The level of support can vary; some candidates run as “Green” or “Labour” (again, National doesn’t do formal local election endorsements), and use volunteer networks, while others receive an endorsement because they’re party members with party-aligned policy positions, but don’t receive any other help, support, or mandate on how to vote once elected. 

“I wanted a Green Party endorsement so I could be transparent about my views and values” says Tyla Harrison-Hunt, who is running for Christchurch City Council in the Riccarton ward. “[The Greens] help with information and local policy that members can use, but I’m not receiving other kinds of support.”

Rohan O’Neill-Stevens, a Nelson councillor running for re-election, says an endorsement isn’t necessarily guaranteed the second time around. He had to undertake an interview process before receiving an official endorsement from the Green Party. “The kaupapa is already there and something I’m on board with, so it makes sense to be aligned with the broader Green Party,” he told The Spinoff. 

There’s a good reason for political parties to have some involvement in local elections; the two government systems – central and local – have to work alongside each other to fund projects like roads or to legislate on housing. (That said, the contributions of local government don’t always stick in the mind – Jacinda Ardern had to apologise in 2019 after forgetting that Wellington mayor Justin Lester had been a Labour candidate.)

“People go from local to central government, but also from central to local government,” Molineaux says. “Getting involved with local government is in itself satisfying, but some people see it as a career – a training ground to raise your profile and practise campaigning, public speaking, fundraising, and working with others to advance policy.”

A plethora of examples of this phenomenon come to mind: current Auckland mayor Phil Goff was a Labour MP for many years; former National MP Nick Smith is currently running to be mayor of Nelson. Current Green MP Chlöe Swarbrick raised her profile with a tilt at the Auckland mayoralty in 2016 before campaigning for a Green Party seat. Tory Whanau told The Spinoff, meanwhile, that suggestions her Green-endorsed run for the Wellington mayoralty is designed as a stepping stone to a high list placing with the party are “completely untrue”.

Justin Lester – being Labour endorsed doesn’t guarantee the prime minister will remember (Photo: Justin Lester / Twitter)

Congratulations, you’ve won your election. Now what?

The real test comes after the election. Will those elected to councils as part of a group maintain that relationship and work together to advance policies? Will candidates with a party endorsement toe the party line? 

One of the advantages of voting for a ticket is that the candidate with policies you like will have people around them to support them once they’re elected, preventing “minority mayors”. Having the backing of others can help you act strategically, Molineaux says. A ticket elected to a local board, for instance, can have a majority to elect the chair, who has a high level of authority to set agendas and work with council.

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But there can also be consequences for candidates who don’t stick to the terms of an endorsement. In Wellington in the current election, longstanding councillor Iona Pannett is running as an independent. Pannett previously had a Green Party endorsement, but her votes to protect character housing upset Green Party members in Wellington and beyond. Molineaux says that although candidates may run on a ticket or receive a party endorsement, they aren’t “whipped” to ensure their votes stay consistent.

“After the election, we’ve agreed we’ll work together – but that doesn’t mean we’ll vote together on every policy,” says Horn, of her People’s Choice ticket. But there are only four people running for Environment Canterbury; even if they all get elected they’ll have to work with other councillors with different priorities and opinions. “In local councils, you have to work together all the time, with everyone.”


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