Two men in suits, the Act Party's Cameron Luxton and David Seymour, stand outdoors speaking at a press event. They are surrounded by microphones. Seymour is speaking, gesturing with his hand. Trees and a building are visible in the background.
Act leader David Seymour, flanked by Act MP Cameron Luxton, at the local elections announcement in Wellington on Tuesday ( Photo: Joel MacManus)

PoliticsMarch 19, 2025

Act enters the messy, at times unhinged world of local politics

Two men in suits, the Act Party's Cameron Luxton and David Seymour, stand outdoors speaking at a press event. They are surrounded by microphones. Seymour is speaking, gesturing with his hand. Trees and a building are visible in the background.
Act leader David Seymour, flanked by Act MP Cameron Luxton, at the local elections announcement in Wellington on Tuesday ( Photo: Joel MacManus)

In a long overdue move, Act will become New Zealand’s first modern rightwing party to run candidates in council elections.

David Seymour announced on Tuesday that the Act Party will stand council candidates in the October local body election. The party has opened expressions of interest in all council districts but doesn’t intend to endorse mayoral candidates or anyone running in a Māori ward.

It marks the first time Act – or any modern right-wing party – has waded into the murky world of local politics. Labour, the Greens and Te Pāti Māori all have active local arms, but Act, National and NZ First have traditionally shied away from council tables. In some regions, the void on the centre-right has been filled by proxy groups like Auckland’s Communities and Residents and the now-defunct Wellington Citizens’ Association.

Parties are wary of local politics because it has a way of attracting the obsessive and bizarre. It’s hard enough to vet candidates for the general election, but when you stoop down to local-government level you’ll find people with digital footprints that would make Steve Bannon blush. Party leaders don’t want to risk being associated with the likes of Invercargill mayor Nobby Clark, who supported Act during the 2023 election. If he had run for mayor under the Act banner, Seymour would have been hounded with questions about why one of his party’s candidates kept saying the N-word.

Given the risks involved, this is a bold move from a party that has teetered on the brink of irrelevancy and now finds itself larger and more secure than ever. Many of Act’s core principles translate easily to the world of local politics: cutting spending, reducing rates, ending Māori wards and co-governance of natural resources. Countless councillors and candidates share similar beliefs, even if they don’t put a party label on it. For the sake of voters, wouldn’t it be easier if they did?

Local government is confusing. There can be multiple layers of local boards, city, district and regional councils. The issues are complex, mired in bureaucracy, and usually only get surface-level media coverage. It’s not reasonable to expect voters to know all their local representatives’ names and political leanings. Come election time, they receive handbooks of candidate bios filled with generic buzzwords that mean nothing. Even with a close textual analysis, it’s often difficult to tell where candidates stand. A party affiliation or endorsement helps to address that. It’s a simple signifier of someone’s general values, even if it may not summarise their entire political philosophy.

There’s a myth that independent candidates are somehow more authentic and free of ideology. This narrative emerged because, up until now, only leftwing parties have stood local candidates, so attacking party-endorsed councillors became a simple shorthand for attacking the left. “Party politics should play no role in local government” some cry, while others go even further, suggesting that councils shouldn’t be political at all. This is nonsense, of course – councils are political organisations and every councillor is a politician with an ideology. At least Act Party candidates are honest about that.

Independent councillors are fond of implying that their party-endorsed colleagues are puppets for the wider party. This isn’t true. It’s not as if Chris Hipkins is breathing down Labour councillors’ necks every time they vote. Candidates sign up to a statement of values, but they’re free to make their own decisions. Look at one of the most contentious votes in Wellington City Council this term, the proposal to sell the council’s stake in the airport. Both Labour and the Greens generally oppose asset sales on a party level, but when it came to the vote, neither party voted as a bloc. Individual councillors decided for themselves. 

‘Hutt Valley, Kāpiti, down to the south coast. Our Wellington coverage is powered by members.’
Joel MacManus
— Wellington editor

Party endorsements can be a tool to hold people accountable. Members can call out their representatives when they feel they have gone against the values they promised to uphold and if it’s serious enough, they can refuse to re-endorse them next election. In 2022, the Wellington arm of the Green Party booted long-serving councillor Iona Pannett because she supported heritage and character areas over high-density housing. Sarah Free, another former Green, jumped before she was pushed – she caused controversies for voting against the wide-scale cycleway rollout, though she eventually flipped her vote. Both Free and Pannett won re-election as independent candidates, showing that party affiliation isn’t everything. 

Finally, there’s the issue of equity and accessibility. Running for office as an individual is difficult, scary and expensive. Party machinery can support new candidates with mentorship and advice, help with fundraising and coordinating volunteers, and offer camaraderie in a world where it is often lacking. Act and every other party have an important role to play in encouraging and supporting talented new candidates for office.

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a meeting room filled with people seated at desks in a U shape. Dripping water is overlaid on top.
The Whangārei District Council extraordinary meeting on March 17, 2025 (Image: Screenshot, additional design by The Spinoff)

PoliticsMarch 18, 2025

What you missed from Whangārei District Council’s extraordinary fluoridation meeting

a meeting room filled with people seated at desks in a U shape. Dripping water is overlaid on top.
The Whangārei District Council extraordinary meeting on March 17, 2025 (Image: Screenshot, additional design by The Spinoff)

The council reaffirmed its defiance of the government’s fluoridation order on Monday, despite mounting costs, legal threats and a bitterly divided chamber.

Whangārei District Council (WDC) spent Monday afternoon in what may be one of the most chaotic and heated council meetings in recent memory. After months of defiance against Ministry of Health orders to fluoridate the district’s water supply, councillors gathered to consider their legal standing and whether to halt proceedings against the Crown.

The result? More division, a mayor fighting off accusations of predetermination, and councillors throwing around accusations of “governmental rape”.

Last year, councillors voted not to proceed with fluoridating the council’s water supply, in defiance of an order from outgoing director-general of health Ashley Bloomfield in 2022.

With a High Court hearing of the council’s request for an injunction (which would put any Ministry of Health action on hold) scheduled for today (Tuesday, March 18), the council ultimately reaffirmed its decision to push forward with legal action against the ministry, despite mounting costs and no budget allocated for Crown lawyer fees. Fluoride, purchased last week in anticipation of the meeting’s outcome, will sit in storage for now.

2pm: A meeting that almost wasn’t

Before councillors could get to the matter at hand, they had to untangle the mess left by their previous attempt to discuss fluoridation. A scheduled meeting last week was blocked when seven councillors refused to allow it to be held behind closed doors. That meant Monday’s meeting was the first opportunity for public scrutiny of the council’s ongoing defiance of the Ministry of Health.

The mood was tense, with mayor Vince Cocurullo reminding attendees to keep applause and outbursts to a minimum. Signs were permitted as a silent show of support or opposition, a small concession to the crowd of fluoride opponents who filled the room.

A group of 14 people pose on outdoor steps, smiling at the camera. One person has a black dog. They are in a park with trees in the background. The group includes a mix of men and women in casual and business casual clothing.
Whangārei District councillors (Photo: Supplied)

2.10pm: The fluoride wars continue

Councillor Gavin Benney – backed by New Zealand First, vocal opponents of the mandating of fluoridation – opened proceedings by introducing a motion that would allow the council to comply with the ministry’s directive while still continuing the legal challenge. It was a strategic move aimed at avoiding personal liability for councillors while preserving their right to fight fluoridation in court.

But the meeting quickly descended into a procedural minefield as councillor Paul Yovich attempted to add an amendment that would immediately halt all legal proceedings and their associated costs. This was ruled a “direct negative” – meaning it contradicted the main motion entirely – and therefore couldn’t be included. An attempt to reword the amendment to make it legally viable also failed.

By this point, tensions were high. Councillor Marie Olsen was visibly frustrated, urging the council to stop debating and get on with the vote. Others, however, wanted to push back. Councillor Simon Reid warned that compliance with the Ministry of Health directive would make councillors “complicit in governmental rape”.

‘He mea tautoko nā ngā mema atawhai. Supported by our generous members.’
Liam Rātana
— Ātea editor

2.45pm: The cost of defiance

Throughout the meeting, the financial and legal implications of the council’s ongoing resistance was a recurring theme. The council has already spent $93,466 (excluding GST) on legal fees, and there is no budget allocated for the costs of the Crown’s legal team if WDC loses in court.

On top of that, the council risks losing $4.5m in government funding for fluoridation infrastructure. Staff also revealed that an estimated 915 hours of work — equivalent to 122 working days – had already been spent on this issue.

Despite these concerns, the legal challenge remains in place. Deputy mayor Phil Halse suggested that legal costs could be covered from the council’s $76m water reserves fund, but no formal allocation has been made.

3pm: The mayor under fire

Amid the legal and financial debates, a side controversy emerged: accusations of predetermination against mayor Vince Cocurullo. In previous meetings, Cocurullo had stated, “I would go to jail to stop the fluoridation of water.” This led to questions about whether he should have been allowed to vote on Monday’s motion at all.

The council’s legal team, however, ruled that the mayor’s previous statements did not legally prevent him from participating in the decision-making process. “Matters such as this, where they are of an administrative nature, allow elected members to express strong views and vote accordingly,” the lawyer advised.

3.20pm: The final vote

After 1 hour and 22 minutes of debate, the council finally voted on the original motion to comply with the fluoridation directive only until the court ruled otherwise. The amendment to drop legal proceedings was defeated 7-6, with Cocurullo using his casting vote to break the tie. The final motion was then passed, meaning WDC will begin fluoridation preparations – but will stop if interim relief is granted in court.

The meeting concluded with Benney declaring that “the hard work has been done” and urging his colleagues to stay the course in fighting against the Ministry of Health.

With the High Court hearing today, the council’s legal battle is far from over. The fate of fluoridation in Whangārei now rests in the hands of the judiciary – but whatever the outcome, this saga is unlikely to end quietly.

This is Public Interest Journalism funded by NZ On Air.

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