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Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield arrives at a press conference on June 18.  (Photo by Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)
Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield arrives at a press conference on June 18. (Photo by Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

PoliticsJune 21, 2020

The week New Zealand’s border failed

Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield arrives at a press conference on June 18.  (Photo by Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)
Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield arrives at a press conference on June 18. (Photo by Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

Seven days ago New Zealand was basking in a Covid-free glow. But over the week, holes sprung in the managed isolation system, with a scramble to assert authority seeing the military called into an oversight role. Spinoff political editor Justin Giovannetti recounts an extraordinary few days in NZ’s Covid-19 response story.

A sense of victory spread through the sold-out crowd at Auckland’s Eden Park last Sunday, 43,000 people celebrating rugby’s return to a coronavirus-free New Zealand. Less than 48 hours later, the triumph began to unravel.

The breakdown started on Tuesday afternoon with the revelation by a nervous-looking Dr Ashley Bloomfield, the country’s chief public health officer, that two women had tested positive for Covid-19 after an early release from managed isolation at the border. The country had gone 24 days without a new case of coronavirus.

From that moment, the floodgates opened and days of bad news followed.

A steady drumbeat of stories began to emerge which showed that the border, New Zealand’s only defence from a global pandemic, was far from watertight. The narrative about the two women and how they acted following their release under a compassionate exemption also changed significantly over the coming days, causing further embarrassment for the government.

The Ellerslie Novotel quarantine hotel. Photo by Phil Walter/Getty Images

So far, no one has been sacked over the bungling which could, at worst, cost the country billions of dollars and imperil lives if the virus is reintroduced into the community. Instead, new management has been brought in at the border and it’s promised to get tough on arrivals who break the rules.

The past week has seen New Zealanders come forward through the media with stories about lax practices and failures. The pace of revelations was unrelenting and left the country’s political leadership scrambling. Compassionate exemptions at the border have now been cancelled indefinitely.

Questioned by the media, Bloomfield and the prime minister, Jacinda Ardern, then unveiled that among a group of six people released early to attend a funeral, some had run away and were still unaccounted for. More questions showed that widespread testing of those in isolation and quarantine wasn’t happening despite assurances to Ardern that it was. Then there were over a half-dozen reports from across the country that social distancing rules were being routinely flouted in facilities, including at a birthday party for an arrival supervised by the Ministry of Health.

The reliability of assurances that the border was safe was shredded within hours of the news that the two women who’d been let out on compassionate grounds had tested positive. Ardern initially blamed an “unacceptable system failure” at the border but then said she’d lost confidence in the system altogether as stories continued to emerge.

Jacinda Ardern speaks to media (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

By Wednesday afternoon, the government put the deputy head of New Zealand’s military, Air Commodore Darryn Webb, in charge of the country’s border facilities. On Friday, housing minister Megan Woods – the government’s “fix-it” minister already trying to untangle the mess of KiwiBuild – was put in charge of the border facilities alongside Webb.

The two appeared at the end of the week and resolved to put an end to the bad news and bring order back to the border. “We are determined to make this work because the alternative is unthinkable,” said Woods during a press conference at the Beehive. In a gentle rebuke to those who’d bent or broken the government’s border rules, she reminded arrivals that “they have an obligation to the rest of us”.

Webb, standing beside her in his dress blues, announced that the police and military presence at the country’s 18 border facilities would be doubled. Anyone who broke the rules going forward would face fines of up to $4,000 or face six months in prison.

“Returnees are left in no doubt that individual accountability sits at the core of our collective Covid fight. People must be responsible for their own actions,” said Webb. “We didn’t require a police officer or someone in an NZDF uniform to be at every street corner during the lockdown period. Each New Zealander played their part, we’re asking the same of returnees during their stay in managed-isolation and quarantine.”

In an exchange showing how the relationship was developing between the two, Woods leaned over and asked the air commodore in a whisper whether she’d just answered a question from a journalist correctly. She seemed relieved when he whispered back that she had. The military, with its focus on following procedures carefully, had taken charge.

Eden Park’s sold out crowd on June 14 (Photo by Hannah Peters/Getty Images)

Before this week, the government was riding high in the polls and were being applauded around the world for its competent Covid-19 response. That reputation is now being tested, with around 90 days left before the general election, by the emerging story of chaotically run facilities where arrivals have abused the trust put in them.

A sense of unity and fairness held the country together during lockdown. However, the same feeling hasn’t been as present among the thousands being held in four and five-star hotels, largely in central Auckland.

Bloomfield has been challenged in his response to the two women. The chief health official, who apologised this week for being one minute late to a briefing, has consistently shown that he sees the best in people, even when that faith has later been shown to have been misplaced.

The two women flew to New Zealand from the UK on June 6. On June 13, the day before the rugby match at Eden Park, they were released under a compassionate exemption to visit a dying parent. They weren’t tested before their release.

One of the women had mild symptoms while in managed isolation. Bloomfield confirmed that the woman did not disclose them to health officials when asked explicitly about them. He said the woman had dismissed them as part of a pre-existing condition. It’s unlikely the woman would’ve been released early if she’d disclosed those symptoms, health officials have said.

The two had a plan with the government that stipulated they were to drive from Auckland to Wellington on Saturday June 13 without coming into contact with the public. No washroom or fuelling facilities were to be used, and Bloomfield confirmed the plan had been adhered to on Tuesday. The next day, after National MP Michael Woodhouse spoke in parliament of sources having told him the women had “kissed and cuddled” a friend who helped them with directions out of Wellington, he admitted that it hadn’t. He insisted there had not been kissing or cuddling, but the women had met with friends on their way out of Auckland.

Health minister David Clark (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

After testing positive, the women – one in her 30s and the other in her 40s – told health officials they’d forgotten about the meeting. They said that soon after leaving their isolation facility they drove north on the nearby motorway instead of south and called friends for help with directions. Two friends drove over to them and the women had what’s been described by health officials as physical contact with the friends for five minutes.

One of the friends went to a gym class the next day. Mercifully, contact tracing of the four has so far not shown any positive cases

The account from the women has been dismissed by some, including TV presenter Hilary Barry, as difficult to believe. Barry tweeted that it seemed more likely the pair made a point to meet with the friends on their way out of Auckland and came up with a story after the fact.

Ardern and other members of her government, who at first defended the women, have been at pains to avoid criticising the pair even as their story changed. Woods again defended the women on Friday, saying it wasn’t their fault that they weren’t tested. She omitted to mention that they’d apparently withheld information about symptoms while in isolation and about the meeting with friends.

National, showing less of an inclination to trust the pair, has called for health minister, David Clark, to be sacked. “What does it take?” asked opposition leader Todd Muller in the house earlier this week. “Have you got your border under control? And the answer is no. It is shambolic. It is hopeless and the minister looks at the floor and says it’s not my problem.”

Ardern and Clark have said that they won’t seek to find who is responsible for the failures, but instead simply want to fix them. The two have overruled deputy prime minister Winston Peters, who said someone should be held responsible.

One positive outcome of the week is that the health department, at Bloomfield’s direction, tested nearly everyone being held at border facilities by Friday. The tests caught three new cases, two of which were only days from release.

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Chlöe Swarbrick on the campaign trail (Photo: Supplied)
Chlöe Swarbrick on the campaign trail (Photo: Supplied)

PoliticsJune 20, 2020

In it to win it: Chlöe Swarbrick’s run for Auckland Central

Chlöe Swarbrick on the campaign trail (Photo: Supplied)
Chlöe Swarbrick on the campaign trail (Photo: Supplied)

In the 2020 election, first term MP Chlöe Swarbrick will be one of just two Greens explicitly running to win an electorate. She spoke to Alex Braae about how she rates her chances of taking down National’s deputy leader.

After four frantic years in politics, Chlöe Swarbrick has finally been forced to slow down. Since damaging some ligaments in her foot, she’s hobbling around in a moonboot. 

We’re meeting at Peach Pit on Karangahape Road, a bar right at the heart of an inner city Swarbrick has called home for years. She’s the K Road candidate, and filled the afternoon before the interview by sequencing a series of meetings with business owners, slowly making her way up the road and taking as few steps as possible. 

The injury is a rare setback for a politician who has had an astonishing run to date. After standing for the Auckland mayoralty at the age of 21 and winning almost 30,000 votes, she joined the Green Party in 2017 and got into parliament on the list. She was the youngest MP in 50 years. 

Over the course of the term, Swarbrick has played a leading role in drug reform. That has included helping get a referendum on legalising cannabis on the ballot, and making changes to the Misuse of Drugs Act that enshrined police discretion over whether to prosecute, and prioritised a health-based approach to drug crime. She has also launched campaigns to improve student accommodation charging policies and standards, and put pressure on the government for more mental health funding. 

Now placed at third on the list, Swarbrick is going for a seat that could define her party’s chances of staying in parliament. She’ll be taking on National’s deputy leader, Nikki Kaye, in Auckland Central – a seat that no lesser candidate than Jacinda Ardern twice tried and failed to take. Is Swarbrick really serious about running to win?

“We have to be. The reality is for the Greens that the party vote will always be the most important vote – that’s how I’m a member of parliament. But we have to realise that in this electorate, across all electorates in the country held by a National MP, this has the lowest National party vote. So I think there’s not the right representation presently for Auckland Central.” 

It’s a huge call, even if National’s party vote was about 6% lower than Kaye’s electorate share in 2017. The seat doesn’t lean left so much as heavily socially liberal, and Kaye is National’s most prominent and popular liberal by far. Her personal majority is more than a thousand votes, and she has recently rocketed right up to the top of her party. 

Nikki Kaye and Todd Muller emerge from the caucus meeting at which they were elected new deputy leader and leader of the National Party (Photo: Dom Thomas – Pool/Getty Images)

Swarbrick doesn’t believe that the recent elevation will help Kaye’s chances of holding the seat. “I found it interesting that she has held herself out as an urban liberal, but has held up a party that has supported things completely contrary to that.” Swarbrick said she hoped to debate Kaye, and make her answer for the record of the previous government. 

“You have a former minister who is responsible for kids sleeping in cars. Who’s responsible for greater climate inaction. And you see those things coming from the party and its spokespeople over the last two years in opposition. Given her new position, there’s an opportunity to either drive the party in a new direction, or no longer pretend she’s different,” Swarbrick added about Kaye, archly suggesting that she’s “looking forward to more New Zealanders to have the opportunity to get to know her.”

There’s also the not insignificant matter of her nearest recent challenger – Labour’s Helen White – running for the seat again. White is ranked 50th on Labour’s list, giving her every incentive to run hard for a win as well. Why should Labour voters back a Green candidate instead? 

“No party is entitled to anyone’s votes. All of us have to work for them. But we also have to explain the importance and weight of those votes within a very complicated context.” 

She didn’t answer the question directly, instead pivoting to talk about why she saw Auckland Central’s issues as being core Green issues, particularly around housing and transport. “With regard to Labour and the formation of the government over the last term, I think voters are smart enough to make their own decisions, and discern who has been responsible for what.” 

In other words – those voters who want a Labour government need to decide what sort of Labour government they want to see. Many on the left have been deeply frustrated by the progress (or lack thereof, as some critics would say) that has been made over the first term of the Ardern government. Green policies and ideas have consistently been shot down, while formal coalition partner NZ First has got a hell of a lot more of what it wants. 

Now both of those parties are polling right up against the 5% threshold, a wall of death for minor parties in the MMP system. The only way for a party that falls below it to stay in parliament is to win an electorate seat. NZ First have Shane Jones running hard in Northland, as their most viable candidate to win a seat. 

The Greens, by contrast, have two co-leaders in seats with large Labour majorities. James Shaw has traditionally done well in the Wellington Central party vote, but has also repeatedly been crushed by Grant Robertson for the electorate – not that he’s ever really gone for it. Marama Davidson has announced that she will be running to win in Tāmaki Makaurau, a seat she has placed third in twice. This time around, she’ll be running against both minister for Whānau Ora Peeni Henare for Labour, and former MP and Waipareira Trust chief executive John Tamihere, who recently became co-leader of the Maori Party.

Swarbrick is a candidate who – perhaps uniquely among the current group of Green MPs – has the ability to secure a large number of electorate votes of people who wouldn’t give the Greens their party votes. She demonstrated that in the electorate of Maungakiekie in 2017, with her personal vote tally doubling what the Greens achieved there in the party vote. Swarbrick says she got approached repeatedly during the advance voting period by people who said “I’d voted for you in Maungakiekie, and given Jacinda my other vote.” 

Chloë Swarbrick speaking at NZ Drug Foundation Parliamentary Conference in 2017 (Image: Tim Onnes)

Just how she came to be standing in Maungakiekie last time around, despite having much stronger connections to Auckland Central, is down to the complicated internal democracy of the Green Party. Swarbrick notes that after her mayoral run, several parties tried to court her with offers of good places on the list. The Greens, by contrast, made it clear that there were absolutely no guarantees of a list spot, or even an electorate candidacy. It is understood that the Waiheke branch in particular within Auckland Central wanted to stick with then-MP Denise Roche in 2017, despite a challenge from Swarbrick. 

The party jealously guards itself against the idea of any one politician becoming bigger than the wider movement, and candidates are required to get the explicit backing of the wider party before running to try and win an electorate – the standard approach for all candidates is to campaign for the party vote only. Only one Green MP has ever held an electorate seat – Jeanette Fitzsimons in Coromandel in 1999. That victory came with a nudge from Labour leader Helen Clark for supporters to give her a tick. 

While Swarbrick’s elevation up the party rankings has been rapid and remarkable, she isn’t universally beloved within the party. The GreenLeft faction – a relatively small but hearty activist group – released a preferred list of 12 candidates, which didn’t include Swarbrick at all. Neither were co-leader James Shaw, or conservation minister Eugenie Sage. 

It seemed to reflect a real dissatisfaction among the left for the more slow and steady, consensus-driven approach that the Greens have taken in government. That’s also a broader criticism that often gets made of the party, that they haven’t achieved enough of what they say they want over the term. And in fairness, many would argue that the exact problems the last government presided over still exist. Swarbrick said “every single member of the caucus would agree.” 

“We have fought to go a whole lot further, and do a whole lot more quicker, but haven’t got to that point because we’ve had to negotiate. But that comes back to the point about MMP politics. Nobody ever gets everything they want when you have to negotiate through multiple parties.” She also argues that the Greens have had a disproportionate influence “as eight MPs in a 120 member parliament”.

She also made a point about the conflicts that arise between activism and government, describing the Green caucus as the parliamentary wing of an activist movement. “We’ve had more momentum in the past three years than arguably what we’ve achieved in a number of other terms – but again, notably all of that has been built off the advocacy and activism of the past two decades, and the work that has been done outside parliament.”

The commitment to internal democracy in the Greens means that even some fundamental decisions about electoral strategy need to go to the party first. For example, the question is put to Swarbrick about what she’d do if Jacinda Ardern happened to be having a cup of tea at Verona, and invited Swarbrick to come along too. The answer?  

“That decision wouldn’t be down to me. That would be down to the whole Green Party. I’m a footsoldier, and as far as I’m concerned, it isn’t about me.”

Regardless, the next 90 days will see Swarbrick frantically campaigning for a rare Green electorate victory – and about half of that time she’ll be walking with a heavy limp. She believes she has a chance at an upset, but has a policy of not taking anything for granted when it comes to her political career. 

“I never planned to be a politician. The fact that I’ve also managed to survive this long within parliament without blowing up my job, because of the way I engage in controversial issues or whatever else – it’s surprised not only me but a lot of other people I’m close to.”

Politics