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Image: Getty
Image: Getty

ĀteaNovember 8, 2018

A 5G network is coming and Māori deserve a share

Image: Getty
Image: Getty

A 1999 Waitangi Tribunal report said Māori have rights to the radio spectrum, what we know as the 2G, 3G and 4G mobile networks. The Crown disagreed. Now, 20 years on from the original claim, the government has the opportunity to right past wrongs when it makes its 5G allocation.

Next year will mark 20 years since my mother, Rangiaho Everton, took the Crown to the Waitangi Tribunal over its refusal to recognise Māori ownership of radio spectrum, aka 4G currently, which is the life blood of the mobile industry. It’s true back in 1999 when we stood before the Tribunal to tell them how important the radio spectrum would be for Māori, Google was not even a year old, smart phones hadn’t been invented, and Steve Jobs was just a wee Apple compared to Microsoft’s giant empire, and here in Aotearoa we were only making calls using 2G. Twenty years on and how things have changed.

Not only have mobile phones become a critical tool, we rely on broadband-enabled devices for just about everything, the Māori economy included. But the Crown wasn’t about to let us have a share in that, and clearly spelled out they were the only “partner” who owned the rights to radio spectrum, despite existing even when Kupe arrived in Aotearoa thousands of years ago.

The result of the Wai 776 claim? Well we won, with the Tribunal by majority agreeing that iwi had a ‘prior interest’ in radio spectrum. In other words, it was a natural resource that Māori, who are Treaty partners, have equal rights to, just like the rivers, flora and fauna, seabed and foreshore… well, we know how that one panned out.

The Crown refused to concede and negotiate a fair and equitable outcome, choosing instead to facilitate a number of half measures that have consistently failed to deliver anything of substance. Reading between the lines, they didn’t want to set a precedent that modern resources like spectrum could be owned by Māori.

Instead the Crown created a charitable trust known as the Māori Spectrum Trust, which later became Te Huarahi Tika Trust and gave it a one-off payment of $5m. It was a way to keep the Māori MPs happy at the time with a gift of blankets and muskets, so to speak. The money was used to enter into a commercial relationship and shareholding in telco 2degrees, and the right to purchase 3G spectrum. Later, the initial 2degrees shareholding was restructured into a new shareholding in Trilogy, the parent company of 2degrees.

As the son of Rangiaho Everton, who did not envisage this outcome, I have stayed committed to fighting for Māori rights to the radio spectrum under Article 2 of the Treaty. I choose not to be involved in the Trust set up by the government, as I saw it as the Crown’s way of undermining our claim. Instead I chose to remain a claimant with Wai 776 after my mother died and later Wai 2224, a combined spectrum claim. I have continued to develop technology projects that demonstrate the potential uses of radio spectrum, with my latest initiative establishing a 5G rural-based test network in the Manawatū to show Māori have the technical capacity and vision to use radio spectrum and build value for their communities.

The Crown needs to change its own dictatorial approach to settling this claim and instead share what is absolutely our entitlement. By allowing Māori to partner in this valuable resource we can become masters of our destiny to create change and make an impact within this ever-evolving technological world.

In saying that, I do remain optimistic that 20 years on the Crown will do the right thing this time round as we approach the impending auction for 5G radio spectrum. Communications Minister Kris Faafoi, who has taken over from Clare Curran, is in the driving seat for this portfolio and has advised the mobile telcos that 5G allocation is still on track for early 2020.

However, he has indicated that there are some issues to get through “to get it to that stage”, with such issues including “not insignificant” iwi expectations established during the process for allocation of 4G spectrum. These not insignificant iwi expectations are in fact “very significant” iwi expectations.

However this pans out and whatever the Crown are willing to negotiate, Māori should be ready to make the most of the opportunity that 5G brings to Aotearoa. 5G capability is considered crucial for the wide take up of automated services such as driverless cars, Virtual/Augmented Reality and smart technologies that can monitor and manage everything from industrial services to farm machinery and home energy technologies.

Māori are a young demographic who are technologically savvy. Māori businesses are looking to invest in technology enterprises, particularly those that can deliver international opportunities and are aware of the changes that are coming in the future for employment. The past employment changes have divided Māori communities, and 5G could do the same if Māori aren’t part of the drivers of this change.

Māori are still under represented in the industry and telcos like Spark, Vodafone and 2degrees need to stop saying Māori are an important and respected partner in one breath, and failing to acknowledge that Māori have absolute rights in the spectrum with the next. At worst they could be seen as complicit in the unlawful confiscation of natural resources, surely a breach of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and at best be accused of putting people before profit.

Which brings me to why my mum took the claim originally. She believed that spectrum would be more important than cash. For her it was an assertion of tino rangatiratanga against the Crown, that assumed it had sole rights when it doesn’t. Like land, it was part of the Māori natural estate, and there was no room in her mind to give ownership up because there was an obligation to pass it on to the next generation as a taonga. It would be the foundation of a whole new economy once our people were trained and building new businesses. Twenty years on, now is the right time to honour her vision and for the Crown to do the right thing and uphold Māori rights, because the last time I looked it was called a partnership, not a dictatorship.

Graeme Everton (Ngāti Raukawa ki Te Tonga, Ngāti Tūwharetoa) is an advocate for increasing the participation of Māori in the technology sector. He established Aotearoa’s first open Internet of Things (IoT) research network using Weightless LPWAN technology and plans to launch a rural 5G pilot network.

Keep going!
Whānau hauā and disability advocate, Dr Huhana Hickey. Image: lifeunlimited.net.nz
Whānau hauā and disability advocate, Dr Huhana Hickey. Image: lifeunlimited.net.nz

ĀteaNovember 8, 2018

What will it take for people with disabilities to be represented in our democracy?

Whānau hauā and disability advocate, Dr Huhana Hickey. Image: lifeunlimited.net.nz
Whānau hauā and disability advocate, Dr Huhana Hickey. Image: lifeunlimited.net.nz

From better access to New Zealand Sign Language on the marae, to being visible in Parliament – disabled Māori need to be better represented in our democracy, argues disability rights advocate Kera Sherwood-O’Regan.

There’s something about making your mark on that clean sheet of paper. It’s the chunky felt tipped markers that hark back to primary school days, contrasted with the harsh grown-upness of making a decision that will affect the future of your entire country. It’s the low hum of the whole hall filled with community, and the omnipresent orange elections guy forcing the optimism into your fingertips as you draw a confident tick. At least for me, casting a vote in the national elections feels like a small success, a completed duty of citizenship that I can cross off my list for another few years.

Voting is just one small part of engaging with our democracy, and critical as I might be of the mandate for such a system (team #decolonise over here), it feels like an important step to building an Aotearoa that reflects the values I hold dear. In the absence of full governmental recognition of our tino rangatiratanga, as a bare minimum, we are meant to have a democracy that is founded on fairness, and direct representation. While MPs might be the ones in the debating chamber, ultimately, they are accountable to us, and that chubby marker tick is the mandate for them being there.

But can this democracy really be fair and just when up to one in four Kiwis are not being directly represented?

No, hold back your excitement. At last check, Aucklanders are still well and truly represented in all facets of our democratic system, but the one in four Kiwis who have disabilities may not be. That figure, by the way, jumps to one in three when it comes to our whānau hauā Māori.

Despite being a diverse group the size of our largest city, persons with disabilities (PWD) are faced with systemic exclusion in many areas of life. Just as structural racism shapes the opportunities, possibilities, and realities of tangata whenua in this country, institutionalised ableism has a massive effect on the realities of PWD. Along with many -isms, ableism and racism intersect for our whānau hauā, compounding existing issues, and creating additional challenges that must be navigated on a daily basis.

I spoke with Dr Huhana Hickey, a prominent community leader and advocate for the rights of whānau hauā about what this means for Māori. There is no shortage of examples, and certainly these oppressions are not restricted to te ao Māori, but one that struck me was how whānau hauā may be excluded from participating in their marae.

She explains that access to marae is not only about ramps and bathrooms, but also ensuring that service animals are allowed on marae, that people have access to appropriate ablutions, and that there are “enough trilingual interpreters for the over 13,500 turi whānau in need of NZSL sign.”

However, she is clear that access to marae is only one part of ensuring the cultural rights of whānau hauā are upheld, sharing her own story of disconnection from her whakapapa and cultural identity.

She says, “I identified as disabled first, before I really knew my Māori identity. Many whānau hauā of my generation were removed at birth and adopted or institutionalised. I was adopted and it was a transracial adoption, and with the adoption removing my mother’s ethnicity, they effectively stole my identity. This is common for many hauā Māori in that they were often removed and taken from their parents, placed into families with no understanding of te ao Māori.”

While physical institutionalisation may no longer be practiced formally, its effects persist for many hauā, and there are still legislative challenges that result in discrimination. One such example prevents whānau members who care for whānau hauā from being paid for their work. Other legal loopholes include the fact that people with disabilities can be paid less than minimum wage, and many more, all contributing to a situation where whānau hauā are commonly excluded and marginalised, rather than being recognised as valued members of society.

But it wasn’t always this way, and nor does it have to be.

Dr Hickey views this exclusionary status quo as a symptom of colonisation, saying “There is a severe lack of understanding of Polynesian concepts of impairment… [pre-colonisation] most were included within their pā and community. They had roles. They were whānau, and therefore a natural part of their community.”

She also emphasises the role that Christianity has had in excluding hauā. “Many whānau use Deuteronomy 21 to justify their exclusion of their hauā whānau, [claiming] that we carry the many sins of our ancestors.”

Most Kiwis would be shocked to hear the endless examples of discrimination faced by whānau hauā, so how do we overcome it?

Hickey believes that direct representation is imperative to advancing the rights of whanau hauā and ensuring self determination and autonomy. She stresses the importance of direct representation at all levels of decision making – from whānau, hapū, and iwi, to national governance, and all the way to the United Nations.

This is a view shared by Aotearoa’s first deaf MP, Mojo Mathers, who entered Parliament in 2011 with “no support of any kind” to fulfil the requirements of her role.

From being advised to not disclose that she was deaf, to not having any captioning or sign language support when she started work, Mathers recalls her experiences in a new short film, Hear Me Out, part of the 2018 LoadingDocs impact documentary programme.

Mathers echoes the need for greater direct representation of the deaf and disabled community in politics, and, sharing many of Dr Hickey’s concerns hopes to see more whānau hauā in Parliament in future.

She hopes that the Election Access Fund Bill, which she drafted days before losing her seat in the 2017 General Election, would help to make the path easier for future candidates to directly represent their community. Now with no Parliamentarians identifying as members of the disability or hauā communities, the pressure is on to ensure that disability rights do not fall off the political agenda.

Now sponsored by Green MP, Chlöe Swarbrick, the bill would create a fund that people with disabilities could access to address barriers to their participation in Parliamentary politics, with a goal to creating a truly inclusive and accessible democracy. Funds could be used to cover expenses such as NZSL interpreters, captioning, mobility assistance, and other needs to equally participate in elections.

With a second reading due before Parliament in early 2019, the future of The Election Access Fund Bill still hangs in the balance. Dr Hickey emphasises the need for whānau hauā to be included and consulted, and Mathers stresses the need for the community to show their support to get it across the line.

As part of the Hear Me Out film outreach, community workshops and screenings will be taking place around Aotearoa to foster discussions around disability rights and political representation, with a goal to increasing support of the bill at its second reading. Whānau hauā are especially encouraged to express their interest in joining these events.

If we really want a thriving, and inclusive democracy, we must ensure that people with disabilities are at the decision making table, and in the chamber seats.