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Police bear down on protestors at the third test between the Springboks and the All Blacks Mt Eden, September 1981. (Image: John Miller)
Police bear down on protestors at the third test between the Springboks and the All Blacks Mt Eden, September 1981. (Image: John Miller)

ĀteaAugust 14, 2021

On photographer John Miller and an activist’s lens

Police bear down on protestors at the third test between the Springboks and the All Blacks Mt Eden, September 1981. (Image: John Miller)
Police bear down on protestors at the third test between the Springboks and the All Blacks Mt Eden, September 1981. (Image: John Miller)

John Miller has been a constant and reassuring presence at kaupapa Māori movements for 50 years. By bearing witness to our most pivotal moments, his lens has become one of the most powerful tools for activism in our history, writes Hana Pera Aoake and Morgan Godfery.

When the Ngāpuhi photographer John Miller recalls a memory he’ll often close his eyes. We imagine his memories moving like a camera shutter, recalling in an instant where he was, the person he was talking to, and what they were doing. In a recent show at ObjectSpace with award-winning architect Elisapeta Heta – Pōuwatu: Active Presence – Miller would arrive every morning and take visitors through his photographs and his memories, from naming the chiefs at a Māori Women’s Welfare League hui (Whetu Tirikatene-Sullivan in a perfect koru dress) to recalling the talk at a wānanga for the Māori Artists and Writers rōpū.

That daily routine – hosting, storytelling – was a reminder of a point Judith Binney made in her essay, Māori Oral Narratives, Pākehā Written Texts, that oral histories often cohere around photographs. When Binney and her colleague Gillian Chapman took their photographic archives into Tūhoe country, the old people would almost uniformly mihi to the dead, mourning their passing and retelling the stories of their lives. This strikes us as a particularly Māori way to relate to the past that photographs represent, and it’s one way that Miller – perhaps te ao Māori’s finest photographer – relates to his work, telling and retelling the oral histories that accompany his images.

Māori Women’s Welfare League, Dame Mira Szászy and Hon. Whetu Tirikatene- Sullivan, 1975 (Photo: John Miller)

Pōuwatu: Active Presence was a site-specific installation. That sense of space was, for Miller’s work, quite literal, with Heta designing a wharenui to lovingly house his taonga. As you entered the exhibition space, you would remove your shoes, just as you would when you were entering a wharenui on the marae.

The floor was soft and carpeted, with a large table in the centre of the room, like a table laid out for manuhiri in the wharekai, only with iPads for scrolling through Miller’s photographic past. There were also sitting nooks carved into the edges of one wall and in one corner, much like the corners you might give up for kaumātua at the back of the wharenui who are sneaking in to hear the kōrero. The walls themselves were lined with photographs of some of the most important Māori leaders, artists and activists of the 20th century. These moments sit like pou, anchoring you to the physical space and reminding you of the restless sleep you get among the snoring bodies in the wharenui, all the while being watched over by your tūpuna.

The collaboration between Heta and Miller highlighted his 50-year career with images documenting vital figures and movements from the last half century, from the Springbok tour to Ihumātao, the Māori land marchers to He Taua, Ngā Tamatoa and the Polynesian Panthers, from the Māori Women’s Welfare League to the Rātana Church, Mana Motuhake, and the nascent Māori Party. The political character of each photograph is obvious, the subject matter says it all, but what distinguishes Miller is that he can do more than the intensely political: he can capture the joy of everyday Māori life too, like the banter as the ringawera put down a hāngī or the back and forth as they set the tables. As a testament to his skill and his experience in Māori communities, Miller was one of only two photographers who were given permission to document the tangi of Te Arikinui Dame Te Atairangikaahu

Photographer John Miller has been a constant and reassuring presence at kaupapa Māori movements for 50 years. (Image: Native Affairs/Māori Television)

When you meet Miller, and when he gifts you his kōrero, he does so as someone who was there; in the thick of it. But he is also someone with the distance of a “witness”, although a sympathetic one. “I tend to support the causes that motivate such protests, rallies or meetings,” he once said. Yet that designation – witness – strikes us as too humble and too passive. Miller was a literal witness, of course, but as hindsight layers new meanings and new stories on top of his images he becomes a participant as well, preserving the past for the next generation. And as time passes, and it becomes increasingly apparent how important Miller’s records are to what we know of the fight for tino rangatiratanga, he and his work transform. Miller is also the archivist, and in telling and retelling the stories of his photographs, he becomes an advocate. As Ariella Aïsha Azoulay notes in her book Civil Contract of Photography, photography is always more than what is printed on the photographic paper; it bears the seal of the photographic event, and the reconstruction of those events requires more than just identifying what is shown in the photograph. It requires a story.

The Māori land march on the Wellington motorway, October 13, 1975 (Photo: John Miller)

In Civil Imagination: A Political Ontology of Photography, Azoulay argues that photography (unlike other forms of representation) binds us to a shared responsibility of meaning-making, creating a space where we can fashion genuine obligations to one another. This means that as photographic spectators we do not necessarily stand outside of the events we are seeing. In Azoulay’s own words we are equally aware of “the presence of those absent from the frame, extending awareness to all those who took part in the production of the visible, and allowing all participants populating the civil space in the photograph to meet on the same plane, even if only momentarily, and to ratify their inclusion within its space”. At its simplest, this means that, just as Miller is more than a mere witness, as viewers we are more than mere spectators. When we examine Pōuwatu’s photographs of the 1975 Māori land march we’re aware not only of the visible participants, but their reasons for marching and the resistance they met. In one shot capturing the “welcome” for the marchers on the forecourt of parliament, Miller captures that resistance: the soon-to-be-prime minister, Sir Robert Muldoon, is smirking in the back of shot.

In these moments Miller is, as a statement of fact, a witness. But sitting at the exhibition tables and looking through moment after moment on its iPads we couldn’t help but wonder what other photographs he has in his archive of work? There are, of course, photos of those long passed: Hana Te Hemara, Syd Jackson, Dame Whina Cooper and Eva Rickard to name a few. There are also photos capturing those people who are still with us, from a young Teanau Tuiono, in the photo a teenage activist at Waitangi and today a Green MP, as well as Tame Iti (still an activist) and Matua Moana Jackson. It’s humbling to view these images, and to speak with Miller whose very presence is active and constant and who walks effortlessly between the past, the present and the future, acknowledging what has changed and what work is still left to do.

Teanau Tuiono, now a Green Party MP, on Waitangi Day at Te Tii Marae, Waitangi, February 1996 (Photo: John Miller)

One thing that an admirer of Miller’s work will notice is that his photographs never feel intrusive – they have a feeling of ease and manaaki for his subjects. Even at a tangi or bearing witness to the karanga, calling all the tūpuna of both tangata whenua and tangata tiriti, Miller’s eye is gentle and kind. With his camera he is listening, observing and absorbing the moment in a process Māori film-maker Barry Barclay described like this: “the camera can act with dignity at a hui. There is a certain restraint, a feeling of being comfortable with sitting back a little and listening.”

Indigenous peoples overseas often ask, at United Nations conferences, at academic events, and in international exchanges: “How do Māori do it?” We enjoy a Treaty that, at least in relative terms, helps shape regulation and legislation. We enjoy special representation in parliament and local government, our iwi corporations are big businesses in their own right, and we can point to Māori across public life, from the mainstream media to community leadership. This is political, economic and cultural power many of our brothers and sisters would struggle to recognise in their own countries. Indigenous people in Australia couldn’t vote until the mid-20th century. In Canada, the last residential school shut its doors at the turn of the 21st century, bringing an end to almost four centuries of state-run assimilation, and yet the horrors of those schools continue into today.

Tame Iti on the steps of parliament, 1972 (Photo: John Miller)

But what makes New Zealand different?

There are several credible answers. You could argue that the prevailing sentiment in London in the 1830s and 1840s, with the Slavery Abolition Act coming into force in 1833, and the Aborigines Protection Society actively promoting a “benign” colonialism into the 1840s, meant that New Zealand was lucky enough to escape the worst form of British colonisation. In 1840 Lord Normanby would dispatch Captain Hobson to New Zealand with, for the standards of the time, progressive instructions to secure British sovereignty with the “free and intelligent consent” of Māori “according to their customary usages”. In plain English, secure British sovereignty on Māori terms. We know that this didn’t happen, and the Treaty of Waitangi went ahead on, at best, a misunderstanding, and at worst, deception. The English translation was a poor cousin to the Māori version.

The next best explanation is that the British settlers never quite beat iwi into submission. After the Musket Wars of the 1810s, 1820s and 1830s most iwi were heavily armed, well-drilled in the field, and (thanks to the humble potato) capable of waging sustained military campaigns. There were no easy pickings. This meant that, even if the settlers were keen on an official policy of genocide, they never had the means to enact one. In the end, European pathogens did a better job at reducing the Māori population and our hold on our land. Yet we’re unsure if this explanation, at least alone, is enough to explain why, as Māori, we were able to secure the political, economic and cultural power we exercise in 2021.

We think the better explanation is the simplest one – activism. In the 20th century, self-congratulatory Pākehā would tell each other that New Zealand had “the best race relations in the world”. But from this angle, the explanation is quite simple: Māori movements forced the government and Pākehā society to recognise that Māori had the right to kōhanga and kura kaupapa, to Māori broadcasting, to Treaty settlements for historic wrongs, and to a Treaty recognised at least in legislation.

These are the movements that Miller photographed, and they are the movements we can, in large part, thank for the political situation, however imperfect, that we find ourselves in today. These are the movements captured in spirit and in person by Miller, and the movements and people we must collectively acknowledge for the struggles that have taken us this far.

Keep going!
(Image: RNZ/Vinay Ranchhod)
(Image: RNZ/Vinay Ranchhod)

ĀteaAugust 13, 2021

The Aotearoa debate and the waves of racist abuse

(Image: RNZ/Vinay Ranchhod)
(Image: RNZ/Vinay Ranchhod)

Judith Collins has been described as both dog whistling and standing up to wokeness for endorsing the idea of a referendum on the use of the word Aotearoa. But no matter her motivation, she set in motion a wave of hurt, writes Te Aniwa Hurihanganui for RNZ.

Judith Collins was poised as a mob of parliament reporters thrust their microphones and shone their harsh camera lights at the National leader, eager to get her take on the name Aotearoa and the suggestion her colleague Stuart Smith had made that there be a referendum on its use.

Collins did not hesitate. “I have an issue with just a change without anybody being consulted,” she said. “If you look at most of the government agencies, they’re now changing it; the prime minister changes the way she talks about it, you barely ever hear her talk about New Zealand these days.”

Her remarks soon set social media alight. Some New Zealanders celebrated the idea of a referendum, agreeing the government appeared to have made a de-facto change to the name of the country. Others scorned, describing a referendum as an unnecessary expense and a distraction from other far more critical social, economic and environmental issues plaguing the country.

But as the headlines flashed and debate swirled online, a darker discourse emerged. Some New Zealanders expressed their distaste for te reo Māori in general, calling it a dying language, worthless or pathetic.

Others described pre-European Māori as savages, too busy fighting with one another to come up with a collective name for the country, and too incompetent to be scientists or celestial navigators.

Phoebe Sullivan, 20, was sitting in a Law School study room, a dedicated space for Māori and Pasifika students. Looking at her phone, she watched the racism rolling in. She was physically in a safe space but she didn’t feel so safe anymore, she says. She noticed her shoulders slumping, a sigh escaping her lips.

“People say awful and extremely hurtful things on social media,” she says. “Opening kōrero around race only gives them the opportunity to share their racist views on Māori.”

She says the debate felt personal. It felt like an attack on her cultural identity, her language, and her people.

“It makes me question who I am as a Māori person. And in particular, how I need to act and present myself to other people. I think it can be hard to be unapologetically you when half of society is criticising your culture.”

What was Judith Collins trying to achieve when she pushed an Aotearoa referendum to the top of the news agenda? We couldn’t get an answer out of her – she’d gone quiet. Instead, her press secretary sent us a statement: “We have already made our position on this matter very clear”.

Collins had earlier told RNZ she was personally relaxed with either name for the country, but many New Zealanders, particularly “provincial New Zealand”, were upset at the widespread use of the name Aotearoa, when they hadn’t been consulted.

Collins has been accused of dog-whistle politics, of race-baiting, of desperately trying to climb back up the polls by adopting a political approach like that of controversial former National leader Don Brash. She’s also been praised for standing up to wokeness, for voicing New Zealanders’ fears, for pushing for democratic decisions. But no matter what her motivation was, she set a wave of harm in motion. Long after she stopped giving interviews on the proposed referendum, it flowed on.

It was Matthew Tukaki’s partner who found the white envelope in the mailbox, the name and address of the stranger who had sent it printed on the back. She opened the seal and pulled out a hand-written note. The words, scrawled in blue-point pen, were jarring.

“Te reo Māori is a dead language,” it said. “When is someone going to stand up to the likes of Matthew Tukaki and the like who are trying to, and succeeding in telling the world they are a superior race.”

It wasn’t the first time a racist letter had been sent to the household, but Tukaki says he had managed to shield his whānau from the abuse until then. His partner, waiting for Tukaki to return from work, scuttled around their home, unsure what she should do or who she should call. She was still visibly upset and shaken when Tukaki arrived home.

“It created a great lot of pain in my home on Friday. There were a lot of tears. It is quite a confronting letter,” he says.

Left: Matthew Tukaki. Right: RNZ’s Midday Report host, Māni Dunlop.

That the person who penned the letter knew where the family lived was scary.

Speaking about the letter, the usually outspoken chair of the National Māori Authority is lost for words.

“I think I’m a fairly resilient person, but when you get a letter like that, when it’s sent to my home and my whānau read it, that’s not on them, they shouldn’t have to read those words spoken about our people, about our whānau.”

Tukaki believes it’s no coincidence that the letter arrived in the thick of the debate around the name Aotearoa.

“This is politicians who are creating an operating environment that emboldens these racists and these nonsense sort of conversations,” he says.

He wasn’t the only one to receive racist abuse as the Aotearoa referendum created headlines. RNZ’s Midday Report presenter Māni Dunlop noticed a surge in racist texts landing in the programme’s inbox. She’s used to these waves. They come whenever a Māori issue hits the headlines. There was a surge last month when a group of academics penned a letter claiming Mātauranga Māori wasn’t science and another earlier in the year when plans for a new Māori Health Authority were announced.

Some days she can deal with the messages, laugh at them even. Some days the messages feel personal, and they get to her.

“Sometimes when they’re really long emails and they’re telling you you’re the death of public broadcasting and that you need to quit your job – I got told I was the polarisation of public broadcasting the other day – some days, it just becomes really amiss.

“You just feel like we’ve come so far and then when you get those messages you just feel like we’ve still got so much more mahi to do,” she says.

While Dunlop has noticed that increased visibility of Māori issues equals increased messages, the Broadcast Standards Authority has noticed something similar. Increased use of te reo Māori by broadcasters has meant increased queries to the authority, which handles complaints about broadcasters. Most years the authority might get two or three queries about te reo Māori, but chief executive Glen Scanlon says the authority has received 54 queries so far this year.

“They will come to us and might just say, ‘Look I’ve heard this, I don’t like it, you should do something about it,'” he says.

Scanlon suspects the rise is likely due to an increase in the use of te reo Māori by broadcasters across the spectrum.

“Generally, I think te reo Māori is being used more across all forms of media, so that means people are seeing and hearing it more often. For some people, that’s great. For other people, they find that challenging,” Scanlon says.

Sometimes the waves die down quickly. Other times, they create ripples that go on and on, like in 2004 after Don Brash gave a speech at the Orewa Rotary Club warning there was a “dangerous drift towards racial separatism” and the “entrenched Treaty grievance industry”. A dissertation by Otago University’s Abby Suszko noted how the speech lifted the lid on New Zealand’s race relations, “exposing Māori to attack over wider race issues, leaving many Māori feeling under siege”.

Could the Aotearoa debate do the same? There are already ripples. Hurricanes part-owner Troy Bowker has called Sir Ian Taylor’s social media remarks on successful Māori Olympians “another example of European NZers not being proud of their own ancestors and sucking up to the left Māori loving agenda”. Fallout from the spat is continuing.

But, how much do any of these remarks really matter? Is the upshot that Māori briefly suffer hurt feelings? Research suggests when comments move from debate to racism, the impact is much greater than that.

Research that appeared in the New Zealand Medical Journal last year, Racism and health in Aotearoa New Zealand: a systematic review of quantitative studies, found there was a consistent link between experiences of racism and a range of negative health measures, particularly mental health.

That adds to an already large problem. Ministry of Health statistics show Māori have a higher burden of depression, anxiety and psychological distress than non-Māori, with Māori adults one and a half times more likely than non-Māori to report a high or very high probability of having an anxiety or depressive disorder.

What helps protect against this? Studies indicate that when Māori have a strong connection to culture and language they are more likely to experience healthy mental wellbeing.

So, when Māori culture and the use of te reo Māori is attacked, the stakes are higher than they may initially seem. For a people who were beaten for speaking their language, who were robbed of their land, it can feel deeply personal – and deeply hurtful – to hear complaints that te reo is becoming too widely used.

The Aotearoa incident has had a particularly nasty sting. Many Māori were raised with the knowledge that the first person to see the islands, Kuramārōtini, called out from her waka, “He ao! He ao! He Aotea!” Māori Historian Rawiri Taonui believes the name Aotearoa was used among Māori years before European settlers arrived in the country. The name has featured in many of the manuscripts and old mōteatea (traditional chants) he has studied over the years.

Following Judith Collins’ call for a referendum, a swathe of social media comments focused on the idea Aotearoa was a word with little history, that it didn’t deserve to be an official name for the country.

To be told your name for your country is wrong can be, as political commentator Morgan Godfrey says “harmful”.

“It’s especially harmful for people who are Māori to see the things that are important to them, and the things that speak to deep issues about who they are, up for debate. We shouldn’t be debating things which are deeply personal and deeply cultural to people.”

Left: Rāwiri Taonui Right: Ngahiwi Apanui

Te reo Māori lecturer Vincent Olsen-Reeder has seen the hurt the Aotearoa referendum debate has caused, but he says there is reason to be hopeful. He doesn’t believe the viciousness seen online reflects the attitudes of most New Zealanders. In fact, they are embracing te reo Māori, he says. His students, particularly Pākehā, are eager to learn te reo, he says. They are filling lecture halls and classrooms and replacing English words with te reo wherever they can.

“My experience of the language in terms of its use within an English context – which is what this referendum is about, it’s not about Māori language in a Māori language context – is that people love it. Nobody minds.”

The Māori Language Commission is proud of how far the country has come in embracing the language too. Chief executive Ngahiwi Apanui says a Colmar Brunton poll it commissioned last year found 84% of New Zealanders felt te reo Māori was an important part of New Zealand culture.

And even provincial New Zealanders, who Collins claims are upset by the use of the name Aotearoa, are actually supportive of te reo, he says.

“The funny thing about the notion that provincial New Zealand does not want te reo Māori is that the biggest engagement we got from te wiki o te reo Māori last year was from South Canterbury.

“New Zealand now is not the same place it was five, 10, 15 or 20 years ago, it’s moved on. And it’s certainly not the place it was in 1950 or 1960. It has changed in all sorts of wonderful ways. And one of the wonderful ways in which it has changed is that te reo Māori is now an important part of who we are.”

Apanui says National looked outdated when it called for a debate on the use of the name Aotearoa. He says it’s “probably the last stand against te reo”. But if there is to be a referendum on the name, he isn’t worried.

“I think if Judith Collins wants a referendum on the use of Aotearoa, she might regret that because, at the end of the day, the data that we see probably supports people changing the name from New Zealand, which is not even an English name, to Aotearoa. And if that happens, I’ll be a very happy chappy.”

This article first appeared on RNZ