Judith Collins and Jacinda Ardern in a cartoon waka with the caption "He waka eke... nah. "
He waka eke… nah. (Image: The Spinoff)

OPINIONĀteaSeptember 23, 2020

Māori don’t exist, according to our political leaders so… talofa

Judith Collins and Jacinda Ardern in a cartoon waka with the caption "He waka eke... nah. "
He waka eke… nah. (Image: The Spinoff)

Jacinda Ardern and Judith Collins showed their true colours in the first leaders’ debate, and they were pretty pale.

Last night I settled in on the couch with a beer and takeaways, and watched an engaging, rambunctious and focused political debate. It was entertaining but also challenging and informative, and covered the critical issues facing Aotearoa and te ao Māori in 2020.

I’m talking, of course, about The Hui’s Waiariki candidates debate expertly moderated by Mihingarangi Forbes.

Meanwhile, over on TVNZ, you’d be forgiven for thinking Jacinda Ardern, Judith Collins and John Campbell’s ancestors sailed to these shores and settled on pristine, empty lands.

All three spent the entire debate in a blissful, alternate, Māori-free universe.

Māori are Aotearoa; it is us. We are the land and the people. Our language is this country’s language, our culture and traditions belong to this country.

It moves me to stress these things because an hour-long discussion about the future of our country took place without any recognition we exist, and it was absolutely heartbreaking.

Māori rights and interests, Māori leadership, matauranga Māori and Māori contribution were all absent from a range of issues in the first leaders’ debate; issues where Māori are uniquely challenged, and qualified, in this country. Campbell questioned them on state housing, child poverty, minimum wage, the climate crisis and polluted rivers, and Covid-19, and no one once referenced indigenous solutions or the disproportionate effects on Māori. Absent too was any reference to Te Tiriti o Waitangi, the country’s founding document.

It’s a continuation of the erasure we’ve seen many times over during the Covid-19 crisis. The frustration felt by many Māori towards Ardern is her inability to recognise Māori leadership, at a time when Māori have proved over and over again that we excel in a crisis because of clear tikanga that guides decisive action. Our reo is used to name reports, strategies and government agencies but our inclusion at the decision-making table is always an afterthought; a right that has to be fought for by community leaders whose precious time and intellect should be spent leading and strategising, not begging for the privilege to do so.

Iwi and urban agencies have made it clear that on issues such as the Covid response, child welfare and education, Māori aren’t asking to be “included”. We’re asking to be handed the tools and for the Crown to gtfo. It’s infuriating to hear constantly about how progressive and kind our prime minister is, while she excludes us and panders to Pākehā, middle-class interests (see: our two-tiered welfare system, untaxed capital gains) and NZ First.

Not for the first time, I wondered if Labour’s Māori caucus were embarrassed. I imagine some of them will be fielding questions today from whānau, friends and constituents about why the prime minister failed to recognise tangata whenua again.

Collins’ track record is slightly better by virtue of not having been in power before, and, in fact, National’s record in cooperating with Māori leaders is arguably better than Labour’s thanks to Chris Finlayson and the previous government’s Māori Party coalition. Collins’ attempt to score cultural points with “My husband is Samoan, so… talofa” to Aorere college head girl Fili Fepulea’i-Tapua’i was embarrassing for everyone, though. A point on the board over which she couldn’t contain her delight, while her connection to the islands somehow didn’t move her to include a Pacific perspective in any commentary about the climate crisis.

It really illustrates that neither leader has our interests truly at heart beyond point scoring and tokenism, and don’t see the Te Tiriti partnership as significant until it’s politically expedient to do so. Māori will probably be an “issue” they discuss for a minute or two in the next debate, and perhaps the right things will be said and promises will be made.

But because of what wasn’t said in this first debate, I have a much clearer idea of where transformational change lies for Māori going into the election, and it’s not on either of their waka.

Keep going!
(Image: The Spinoff)
(Image: The Spinoff)

ĀteaSeptember 17, 2020

Te Wiki o te Reo and the election: Comparing te reo Māori policies

(Image: The Spinoff)
(Image: The Spinoff)

Te reo Māori is a taonga and the government of this country is compelled under the Treaty of Waitangi to protect it. So how do the campaign policies of our political parties stack up?

In 1985, the Waitangi Tribunal report on the Wai 11 te reo claim found that article two of the Treaty of Waitangi obliged the Crown “to recognise and protect the Maori language”. It also said the Crown had failed to protect the Māori language.

As a result of those findings, and many decades of activism and agitation by Māori advocates, te reo Māori was made an “official” language of New Zealand in 1987 and an accepted language in our courts of law (albeit with the added step of having to fill out a “notice of intention to speak Māori”) and schools. There are 306 Māori medium schools and 450 kōhanga reo in Aotearoa but te reo Māori remains an optional subject in the mainstream school system.

This week is Te Wiki o te Reo and we’re a month away from the general election. It’s the one week of the year agencies, professional services, media and government pay particular attention to the reo, so what are our leaders doing to protect this taonga today?

Unsurprisingly, the Māori Party has the most comprehensive policy, which includes officially changing the country’s name to Aotearoa. It also wants all Pākehā place names to be replaced with their original names by 2026.

The party would invest $50 million into the establishment of a Māori Standards Authority – an independent entity whose role would be to audit public service departments against cultural competency standards, including the monitoring and auditing of language plans. It’d double funding to Te Mātāwai, the organisation charged with the revitalisation of te reo Māori, to $28 million, and invest $40 million for early childhood to secondary school teachers to develop their reo, and invest $20 million into the development of te reo Māori resources (for comparison, that’s less than half of what the government has spent so far on PPE during the Covid crisis).

Māori Party co-leader Debbie Ngarewa Packer says the majority of tamariki Māori are in mainstream education and many aren’t able to learn their own reo. “We need to commit to a strategy of working towards te reo Māori in all schools by training more teachers and staggering the rollout. We also need to properly resource and support kaupapa Māori education on the frontline.”

Its policy would also require all primary schools to incorporate te reo Māori into 25% of their curriculum by 2026 and 50% by 2030. It would also require all state-funded broadcasters across all mediums to have a basic fluency level of te reo Māori. Added to this, it wants to remunerate primary and secondary schools and kaiako based on their competency of te reo Māori, and ensure that te reo Māori and Māori history are core curriculum subjects up to year 10 at secondary schools.

March during Māori Language Week, to demand that the Māori language have equal status with English on August 1, 1980, Wellington. (Photo: Alexander Turnbull Library)

According to the last census, about 185,000 New Zealanders can have a basic conversation in te reo Māori. The government has set a target of a million speakers of basic te reo and 150,000 proficient speakers by 2040. Labour’s Te Ahu o te Reo strategy to train teachers, school management and support staff over a 17 week Māori language program was launched in May last year. Focusing on the “priority” regions Waikato, Taranaki-Whanganui, Kāpiti-Horowhenua and Te Waipounamu, it now has about 1,000 graduates. A nationwide rollout of the programme is supposed to be implemented in 2021.

Heading into the election, Labour’s campaign policies are a continuation of this strategy from 2019, which included a funding increase for kōhanga reo in this year’s budget. Labour hasn’t committed to the language as a compulsory subject in schools, rather that it be “integrated” into early childhood and schools by 2025.

Labour’s MP for Tāmaki Makaurau, Peeni Henare, says he has mixed feelings about compulsory te reo Māori. “I’m a kohanga reo baby so I’m fluent in te reo and obviously I encourage people to learn to kōrero. But I think there’s a risk in people only learning the language for academic reasons, without understanding te ao Māori alongside it.”

“The question I have for our whānau is: are we prepared to give our taonga to everybody?”

Kelvin Davis, associate education minister responsible for Māori education, called compulsory te reo Māori a “laudable goal”.

“I think there’s still much to be done before we can successfully make that work in practice,” he says.

Photo: Getty Images

The Green Party has been pro-compulsion for a long time (although there was nothing about it in its confidence and supply agreement with Labour) and wants to roll out te reo Māori as a core curriculum subject through to year 10. It’ll also look to increase funding for kura kaupapa, kohanga reo, and mainstream te reo immersion and bilingual classrooms, including funding for professional support of Māori medium teachers and teacher scholarships.

Greens co-leader Marama Davidson says it worked with kaiako Māori, te reo revitalisation experts and the education sector to develop a plan for how it could be implemented.

“I want to see it rolled out in full next term. Our tamariki and mokupuna deserve to grow up with their reo, whichever school they go to,” she says.

Currently, the Green Party is calling on Labour to “include te reo courses in the Targeted Training and Apprenticeships scheme”.

The National Party’s campaign policies are a continuation of its “second language” education policy announced in 2017 that placed te reo Māori alongside Mandarin, French, Spanish, Japanese and Korean as “priority languages” children should have the option of learning. They also plan to “continue” to support Māori-medium education through funding for kōhanga reo, kura kaupapa and kura reorua (bilingual and Māori language immersion classes in mainstream schools). They want to provide parents with an additional $3,000 in individualised funding to spend on services during the first 1,000 days of a child’s life which can be used toward kōhanga reo.

NZ First hasn’t announced any policies regarding te reo Māori education, although party leader Winston Peters came out against compulsion in 2018. In the past, the party has committed to training more te reo Māori teachers to meet demand for making the subject universally available.

Act and the New Conservative Party are similarly against compulsion, with Act leader David Seymour calling compulsory te reo “social engineering”. They’ve announced no other policies around te reo Māori.

A tweet by Act leader David Seymour, dated July 16 2019, that says "Pushing compulsory Māori in schools shows Labour is deeply committed to social engineering. Too many children leave school without having acquired basic literacy skills. The idea that we would force kids who already struggle to learn another language seems like a cruel joke."

Of the minor parties, The Opportunities Party has the most progressive policies and support compulsory teaching of te reo in all schools. “The unconscious bias and institutionalised racism prevalent across NZ must firstly be overcome within the education system. Educationalists and political reformers have failed to address the needs of whānau Māori and all tāngata of Aotearoa. Alternative solutions to mainstream schooling are needed.”

To compare party policies and candidates on this subject and more, check out Policy, your complete guide to Election 2020.

Ātea