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Security forces watch as a building burns after hundreds of demonstrators marched near Papua’s biggest city Jayapura on August 29. pHOTO: INDRA THAMRIN HATTA/AFP/Getty Images
Security forces watch as a building burns after hundreds of demonstrators marched near Papua’s biggest city Jayapura on August 29. pHOTO: INDRA THAMRIN HATTA/AFP/Getty Images

PoliticsSeptember 4, 2019

NZ must learn the lessons of East Timor, and break our silence on West Papua

Security forces watch as a building burns after hundreds of demonstrators marched near Papua’s biggest city Jayapura on August 29. pHOTO: INDRA THAMRIN HATTA/AFP/Getty Images
Security forces watch as a building burns after hundreds of demonstrators marched near Papua’s biggest city Jayapura on August 29. pHOTO: INDRA THAMRIN HATTA/AFP/Getty Images

Jacinda Ardern needs to make an urgent plea for UN monitors to go the West Papua immediately. Let us not again wait to speak out only to uncover the horrors later, writes Maire Leadbeater

The uprising that is engulfing Indonesian ruled West Papua has lifted the lid on a deep strand of indigenous anger and resentment. While it is unprecedented in scale, it also has ominous echoes of the deadly clashes that took place in pre-liberation Timor Leste in 1999.

The Timorese voted overwhelmingly for independence from Indonesia, only to come up against military-backed armed militia groups. It is poignant that the people of Timor Leste have just marked the 20th anniversary of that historic 30 August independence vote. But rather than learn from past mistakes, the New Zealand government is silent and inactive over the violence in West Papua just as it followed “quiet diplomacy” until the 1999 nadir of post-referendum violence in Timor.

For West Papua the trigger came on August 17, Indonesia’s national day, when it is practically obligatory to fly the Indonesian red and white flag. As it happens that is just two days after the anniversary of the 1962 signing of the New York Agreement, the shady deal done to transfer control of West Papua from the Netherlands to Indonesia.

West Papuan students studying in Surabaya and Malang, East Java, were subjected to a terrifying ordeal as security forces and militia mobs stormed their dormitory. In a torrent of racist abuse the young people were referred to as “monkeys” and “dogs”. In Surabaya there were prolonged chants of “Kick out the Papuans” before the students were tear gassed and 43 were arrested. The pretext was an accusation – never substantiated – that the students had damaged a flag pole flying the Indonesian flag.

Across West Papua long simmering discontent has exploded into a kind of intifada. Commentators say that we need to go back to the turn of the century to see anything remotely comparable in terms of mass demonstrations, the numbers reportedly reaching tens of thousands. Racism of course is more than verbal slurs – in West Papua it is embedded in the woefully inadequate health, education and social services available to indigenous Papuans.

Indonesia’s statistics show West Papua has the highest rate of poverty of any Indonesian province and has a rate of HIV/Aids that is twenty times the national average for Indonesia. For decades the indigenous Papuans have been subjected to marginalisation in the face of a huge influx of migrants, and to land-grabbing for palm oil plantations for mineral exploitation. In the Nduga regency conflict between the armed resistance and the military has led to the displacement of thousands of civilians and dozens of deaths from hunger and lack of medical care, but the area remains closed off even to local humanitarian NGOs.

The Indonesian government has exacerbated the current crisis by imposing an internet blackout, limiting phone signals and sending in additional security forces. As is always the case in West Papua, international journalists face tight official restrictions on access, so right now it is nigh impossible to verify the reports of civilian and military deaths and injuries. However, activists and human rights groups are doing their best to get the information out, including in short videos. In Deiyai in the highlands it is reported by several sources that at least six civilians and one soldier were killed after the security forces opened fire at a demonstration. In the capital city Jayapura and in other centres buildings have been torched.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s calls for calm and forgiveness ring hollow in the face of an intensifying security crackdown. Coordinating Security Minister Wiranto, a retired general who was commander in chief of the Indonesian military at the time of Indonesia’s 1999 East Timor crisis, says that the Papuan demands for a referendum on independence are “out of place” and not to be mentioned. He says the unity of the Republic of Indonesia is final, but it is also incontrovertible that the West Papuans were never given a genuine opportunity to determine their political status.

The New York agreement stipulated that an “Act of Free Choice” should be held – but when this eventually took place in 1969 it was a cruel farce involving only 1,022 press-ganged participants. According to international law experts the people of West Papua have the same right to self-determination as the East Timorese were finally granted.

So far the New Zealand government has been silent despite pleas from human rights groups for it to speak up in defence of human rights, and against the draconian internet ban. Jacinda Ardern passes letters and emails on to her foreign minister, Winston Peters, who is also quiet.

We should all be shamed by the contrast between this inaction and the outspokenness of several Pacific leaders. Vanuatu’s Foreign Minister Ralph Regenvanu, supported by the prime ministers of Samoa (Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi) and Tonga (‘Akilisi Pohiva) put last month’s Pacific Island Forum on notice that it cannot continue to ignore the elephant in the room. For once the Forum leaders included in their communiqué a statement that had some teeth – they resolved to call for the UN Human Rights Commissioner to go to West Papua within the coming year.

Of course that is too little too late in the current crisis, but shouldn’t that be the springboard for our prime minister to make an urgent plea for UN monitors to go right now? We should not repeat the mistakes of our East Timor past when we waited to speak out and suspend defence ties until the evidence of genocide was impossible to hide and most of that country’s infrastructure had been destroyed?

Maire Leadbeater is the author of See No Evil: New Zealand’s Betrayal of the People of West Papua (Otago University Press, 2018)

Keep going!
Artist’s impression of a disembodied hand alongside Megan Woods and a KiwiBuild reset button.
Artist’s impression of a disembodied hand alongside Megan Woods and a KiwiBuild reset button.

PoliticsSeptember 4, 2019

Cheat sheet: Megan Woods hits reset on the beleaguered KiwiBuild programme

Artist’s impression of a disembodied hand alongside Megan Woods and a KiwiBuild reset button.
Artist’s impression of a disembodied hand alongside Megan Woods and a KiwiBuild reset button.

Almost two years on, the coalition government’s flagship KiwiBuild programme has been given a ‘reset’, with the big 100,000 target – and all the targets along the way – thrown in the bin.

What just happened?

Megan Woods has pressed a reset button, detonating a controlled explosion beneath the government’s big KiwiBuild housing programme. The housing minister was frank: “KiwiBuild isn’t working so we are changing it.”

What does this reset entail?

The overarching target of the programme – 100,000 new houses to be built over 10 years – has been chucked in the skip. “It was overly ambitious,” Woods acknowledged. Targets were “driving perverse outcomes” and “led to contracts being signed in places where there was little first home buyer demand.” It will be replaced by one of the most beloved metaphors of modern politics: a “dashboard”, which will measure monthly the progress of KiwiBuild.

Wait, is that the same 100,000 target that Winston Peters described in May as ‘easily achievable’?

The very same.

What else?

Nothing seismic, to be honest. Announcing the reset, Woods said “there is no silver bullet”.

There is a move to provide “new innovative ways of buying a home”. That includes enhancing $400 million targeted at “progressive ownership” options, such as rent-to-buy and shared-ownership schemes.

The government will reduce from 10% to 5% the “first home grant” deposit required for a government-backed mortgage, and adjust the amount paid to developers to disincentivise falling back on the government underwrite, rather than selling through the KiwiBuild scheme.

Buyers of studio and one-bedroom homes will no longer have to commit to living in the home for three years; one year will suffice.

The KiwiBuild homes that have failed to sell will be released on the open market.

Ministry of Housing and Urban Development

Kainga Ora, the urban development agency, will be tasked with an increased focus on targeting the parts of the country best suited to KiwiBuild developments, and addressing the mix of requirements for public, KiwiBuild and commercial housing. And they’ll be looking for “opportunities for build to rent with long-term institutional investors”.

What is ‘build to rent’?

An approach to housing that has become increasingly popular overseas, build-to-rent involves the construction of dwellings expressly for the purpose of rental accommodation, but guaranteeing longer-term, secure tenancies, with commercial and institutional investors attracted by the opportunity to build apartments on Crown land. Some commentators had looked to the government to go further than “looking for opportunities”, and to power up state and social house building programmes.

Where did KiwiBuild all begin?

On a grey Sunday afternoon at the Ellerslie Event Centre, Labour leader David Shearer addressed his party conference. “It’s time for the government to step up and we will,” he said. “Today, I am announcing we will put 100,000 Kiwi families into their first home.” That brought a 30-second standing ovation, and David Shearer grinned, looking suddenly lighter, as if a David-Cunliffe-shaped burden had floated suddenly away.

With the dream of house ownership becoming utterly out of reach for thousands of New Zealanders, KiwiBuild – reportedly the brainchild of Annette King – would see the government use its scale and buying power to deliver 100,000 “affordable starter homes”, a reachable rung on the ladder. It would also boost supply, helping to cool an overheated property market.

All it took was five years, three leadership changes, and two elections and Labour’s flagship house building policy was made real.

How did that go?

Not well. The target was 100,000 houses in a decade, with 1,000 homes in the first year, 5,000 in the second, 10,000 in the third, then 12,000 a year thereafter. It didn’t turn out like that.

As we approach the two year mark, how many have been built?

Not so many.

How many?

258.

Any other issues?

A few. There were snafus over the structure of the unit overseeing the project, complaints from developers, an over-reliance on “buying off the plans”, escalating costs for some of the houses, a failure even to find willing buyers for some of them, the general, thudding realities of New Zealand’s construction economy and regulatory web, and the controversy-surrounded resignation of the head of the KiwiBuild unit. National housing spokesperson Judith Collins enjoyed field day after field day. Ten weeks ago, amid talk of recalibrations and resets, Phil Twyford got himself reshuffled out of town, losing the housing portfolio, which was split into three, with Megan Woods at the KiwiBuild helm.

Would that be the same Megan Woods who wrote the PhD thesis ‘Integrating the nation: Gendering Māori urbanisation and integration, 1942-1969’?

Yes. Have a biscuit.

How did today’s announcements go down?

The community housing providers in the KiwiBuy coalition liked it. The group, which includes Salvation Army, Habitat for Humanity, Housing Foundation and Community Housing Aotearoa, issued a release headed “Door to home ownership has been opened”, saying, “Today’s announcement by Government of its intention to work with the community housing sector and others in the development of a $400m progressive home ownership package is warmly welcomed.”

And the opposition?

Judith Collins reckoned it amounted to “scrapping KiwiBuild in all but name”. She said, “The long-awaited KiwiBuild reset has proven to be a damp squib, with all the elements that made the policy unique now consigned to the rubbish bin.” And: “It’s pretty easy to achieve targets when there aren’t any, which appears to be the government’s strategy on housing… New Zealanders who dream of home ownership will feel justifiably let down by the KiwiBuild reset. The three key elements are gone – there’s no 100,000 homes target, price caps have been loosened and the asset test for ‘second chancers’ is no more.”

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