A true patriot gazes disappointedly at Elle Hunt. Photo: Getty
A true patriot gazes disappointedly at Elle Hunt. Photo: Getty

PoliticsSeptember 4, 2019

Please, nobody tell the Home Office: I have failed at being British

A true patriot gazes disappointedly at Elle Hunt. Photo: Getty
A true patriot gazes disappointedly at Elle Hunt. Photo: Getty

Tests on citizenship are very revealing about our ideas of ‘national identity’, writes NZ-British human mashup Elle Hunt.

I’d come across a sample “Life in the UK” quiz online – 24 questions on the culture and heritage of the British isles, of the kind posed as part of the application process for citizenship – and idly put myself to the test. The pass rate is at least 75% correct; I got 15 out of 24 – or 62.5%.

I didn’t know the answers to questions about the Norman invasion, or York Minster, or the years that individual colonies finally wrested their independence, or much of the other trivia that apparently proves one’s lasting investment in Britain. Fortunately, I didn’t have to: I was born in England, to English parents, so my citizenship is not up for debate – no matter my imperfect recollection of the glory days of Empire.

Nearly 171,000 tests were taken across the UK last year – reflective, on the whole, of earnest, costly, in some cases no doubt desperate attempts to make a permanent home here. About 31,600 failed: 18% of the total. The test is due to be reformed “to give greater prominence to British values”.

In the meantime, as Brexit looms on 31 October, people who have lived in Britain all their lives are being denied permanent residency. In that light it is especially ludicrous that, as one commentator wrote, people’s futures may rest on their ability to answer questions such as “Are Halloween lanterns carved out of melons, pineapples, coconuts, or pumpkins?” and “Where did the first farmers come from?”

That this is taken seriously as a metric may seem perverse, but it is very revealing of how much we couch in discussions of “national identity”. The Life in the UK test is asking you to demonstrate book smarts on culture and history, which is increasingly understood to have been captured through one dominant lens – one that is overwhelmingly white and almost invariably male.

It may not be difficult to scrape a pass, and it is probably one of the easier hurdles of the citizenship application process, given the expense involved – but the symbolism of it is nonetheless meaningful. The test looks to a problematic past to set a benchmark of what it means to be British and implies an expectation: if you are to stay, you will play by these rules.

Trust NZ First – never ones to reach for a dog whistle when there’s a foghorn to hand – to make this explicit in one remit to introduce such a citizenship test last year with a “Respecting New Zealand Values Bill”. Roger Melville, from Wairarapa, said he was in favour of the idea because New Zealand had been filling with people “who aren’t really New Zealanders”, who did not display New Zealand values and who were often, in his experience – “and I’m not trying to be racist” – also from South Asia.

I suspect that Melville would have happily approved my family as aspiring New Zealanders, given that we were middle-class, English and – now I’m not trying to be racist – white. My parents, younger sister and I were granted citizenship in 2006, the week after my 13th birthday, at a ceremony in Whangarei. We sang the national anthem, one verse audibly less confidently than the rest, and were given kauri trees to take home and plant – a symbol of the roots we would soon put down in our new home.

Ten years later, that kauri tree was reaching deep into the dirt outside the house I grew up in, which my parents had sold – and I had moved to Sydney.

Come January, I will have been out of New Zealand five years. My accent, whatever semblance of it I had, is fading. Even my passport has expired. The longer I stay away, the smaller a share of my life my years there become. So when I failed in my attempt at Britishness, I wondered – do I still count as a New Zealander, if I ever did? And if not, who does?

It is not as simple as a question of place of birth or citizenship when belonging, mediated externally, is a construct; we choose who we embrace as much as we choose who to reject. Pakeha’s claim to the country is secondary to that of Māori. Population growth is being driven by migration. An estimated 1.5m citizens live outside New Zealand. Many of our highest-profile citizens, considered archetypal New Zealanders, in fact moved there from overseas as children, or left as young adults to never return.

Russell Crowe has lived most of his life in Australia and gives the strong impression that if it would get him citizenship there, he’d hand in his Kiwi passport immediately. Anna Paquin moved to New Zealand from Canada when she was four, and left for the US when she was 13. Sam Neill was born in Northern Ireland; Eleanor Catton, in Canada. Katherine Mansfield – for years hailed as New Zealand’s only noteworthy literary figure – left New Zealand for Europe at age 19.

Mansfield’s “somewhat problematical” standing as a New Zealand writer “in view of her long years of absence” was elegantly addressed by Gillian Boddy in the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography in 1996. “Mansfield herself was emphatic about her debut to the country of her birth: ‘New Zealand is in my very bones’. … She could not have written as she did without an understanding of both those worlds.”

My own connection to New Zealand may be waning at an immediate, quotidien level (and for that reason, this is my last regular column for The Spinoff), but it is also fundamental to who I am, the way I view the world, and how I approach my life in a country that often feels entirely foreign, despite my lifelong claim to it.

Citizenship tests may be an especially crude measure of what makes a New Zealander, or a Briton, or an Australian; but so, arguably, is citizenship when it may mean less to someone who was born with it than someone who fought for it. Britain might think the test of life in the UK lies in questions about pumpkins and cathedrals, but as Mansfield modelled, the best answer to “who is embraced as a New Zealander?” may be those who embrace New Zealand.

Keep going!
Photo: Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy
Photo: Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy

PoliticsSeptember 4, 2019

Free school lunches is just part of something much, much bigger

Photo: Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy
Photo: Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy

Last week saw the publication of the new Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy, on which the future of New Zealand quite literally depends, writes Claire Achmad of Barnardos.

Something that has never happened before for children and young people in this country happened last week. Behind the school lunches policy (which you probably heard a lot more about) sits something arguably much more significant. For the first time, a national strategy dedicated to the wellbeing of Aotearoa New Zealand’s children and young people exists, required under law. Its vision: that New Zealand is the best place in the world for children and young people.

But the question for those working with children and young people every day all around the motu – including those most disadvantaged and marginalised – is: “will this strategy lead to real change in the everyday lives of children, young people and their families and whānau?”

For not-for-profit, community-based NGOs like Barnardos, where I work advocating for the needs and rights of children and tamariki, we are strongly of the view that the new Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy (PDF), launched last week by the prime minister and minister for children, needs to lead to real change. We know that for many children and young people, the change needed is urgent.

Recent statistics show that 23% of New Zealand children live in homes experiencing poverty after housing costs are covered. We have the highest youth suicide rate in the OECD. Significant health and educational inequities among children and young people of different abilities and ethnicities are prevalent, especially for our tamariki and rangatahi Māori and Pacific children and young people. We have one of the highest rates of child homicide in the world. Close to half of primary school students report being bullied. These facts alone highlight the scale of change that is needed.

The Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy offers hope as a platform around which government, families and whānau, hapū, iwi, community groups and civil society can coalesce, in an effort to address some of the most pressing challenges facing children and their families and whānau.

The strategy itself, while a government document, explicitly states that collective action will be needed for its implementation to be achieved. However, those working with children and young people from outside government in community-based NGOs know that the government will need to underpin that call for collective action with adequate funding for our sector. This is needed in order to enable the work that needs to be done to continue sustainably and reach more children and young people in need.

The strategy has, encouragingly, been shaped by children and young people, including those in the toughest situations, together with a range of people and organisations important in their lives – their “support crew”, as children and young people refer to them.

The strategy is holistic in nature which is to be welcomed, acknowledging the importance of attending to multidimensional aspects of wellbeing including hinengaro (mind), tinana (body), wairua (spirit), whānau (family), papa kāinga (community) and taiao (environmental), and underpinned by nine principles, including recognising the status of tamariki and rangatahi as tangata whenua owed certain obligations by the Crown under Te Tiriti o Waitangi; that children are entitled to have their rights respected under international treaties such as the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child; and a further fundamental: that children and young people’s wellbeing is interwoven with that of their family and whānau wellbeing.

It is refreshing to see written into government strategy outcomes that speak to getting the basics in children’s lives right, such as aimed-for outcomes that children and young people being loved, safe and nurtured, have what they need, are happy and healthy, learning and developing, feel accepted, respected and connected, and are involved and empowered.

While the strategy is for all children and young people, it places priority focus on reducing child poverty and mitigating the impacts of socioeconomic disadvantage, better supporting children in or at risk of entering the state care system, addressing family and sexual violence, and better supporting those with greater needs, initially focusing on learning support and mental health needs.

The placing of priority in these areas is right. Overall wellbeing is a large goal. But without getting the basics right for children and young people in areas such as their rights to an adequate standard of living, safe and secure care, to be safe from all forms of violence and abuse, and to be included and supported to experience the highest attainable level of health, wellbeing will remain out-of-reach. So, getting it right for children and young people in these areas is the most appropriate place to start and where shifts urgently need to be achieved.

Making this change happen will not result from a strategy alone; that’s a danger that government must remain alert to. It needs to work with children, young people, their families and whānau, hapū and iwi, children’s NGOs and civil society to develop and implement policies that get to the heart of addressing some of the most entrenched challenges.

It needs to draw on the existing evidence-base as to what makes a difference for children and young people, and implement the recommendations of expert groups it has received clear and practical advice from, such as the Welfare Expert Advisory Group and the Independent Panel reviewing the 2014 family justice reforms. Both have made recommendations highlighting the importance of improving systems settings that are currently leading to negative impacts in children and young people’s everyday lives, and the positive difference these changes will make.

This is the first Child and Youth Wellbeing Strategy for New Zealand but won’t be the last; successive governments will be required to develop and implement a strategy of this kind every three years, as a requirement under the Children’s Act 2014. The embedding of such a requirement – which was passed with cross-party parliamentary support – is an important way that the needs and rights of children and young people are starting to be built into our national systems and institutions.

Importantly, the law requires children and young people to be consulted on the strategy. When the first strategy is reviewed in three years’ time, let’s hope that it has been used as a platform to do better by children and young people. By that time, Aotearoa New Zealand must be well down a new path to respecting, protecting and celebrating our children and young people, so that one day this really might be a place where we can truly say it is the best place in the world to be a child.