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Jessica Hammond (right) Jenny Condie (left) and Terry Bellamak, President of of ALRANZ (the Abortion Law Reform Association of NZ)
Jessica Hammond (right) Jenny Condie (left) and Terry Bellamak, President of of ALRANZ (the Abortion Law Reform Association of NZ)

PoliticsJuly 14, 2018

TOP could’ve been so much more than Gareth being Gareth

Jessica Hammond (right) Jenny Condie (left) and Terry Bellamak, President of of ALRANZ (the Abortion Law Reform Association of NZ)
Jessica Hammond (right) Jenny Condie (left) and Terry Bellamak, President of of ALRANZ (the Abortion Law Reform Association of NZ)

One of TOP’s former candidates, Dr Jenny Condie, is speaking out about why she thinks the Gareth Morgan-dominated party failed, and what should have been done better.

“At the heart of this is my concern that you are simply unable to relinquish the control and direction of this party to anyone other than yourself and your trusted inner circle… You say this isn’t the Gareth Morgan party, but after my 8 weeks in the office it sure feels like the Gareth Morgan party.” quote from Dr Jenny Condie’s e-mail to Gareth Morgan, 23 June 2017

I wanted TOP to succeed so badly, I let myself ignore the evidence in front of me. The red flags were there from the beginning.

I was inspired by the vision of building our prosperity as a country on a foundation of fairness, enshrining the Treaty of Waitangi into a new constitution that could provide a fresh start for the partnership between Māori and Pākeha, and tackling our big problems at their core, so we can leave the next generation a proud legacy, rather than a hospital pass.

Of course, I knew before I became a candidate that Gareth Morgan was, well, Gareth Morgan. He wasn’t one to mince words, but damn he was smart, and willing to tell uncomfortable truths. The policy was so good, and Gareth expressed a confidence that the general public could make great decisions if we trusted them with complexity.

Gareth was obviously a domineering personality. But he had a team of clever loyal people around him, so that reassured me he wasn’t as autocratic as he seemed. I told myself that as the campaign ramped up, Gareth would hire some professional advisors and the rough edges would be smoothed away. I really wanted it to be true.

Still, I wasn’t willing to sign on as a candidate without putting a line in the sand about his behaviour on Twitter. I decided to send him an email that was deliberately provocative. I wanted to find out if he was someone who could handle criticism and disagreement. Essentially, it was a test. If he passed, I was in.

Here’s a taste of that e-mail:

I will be forthright, since that is a quality you appear to value.

Your behaviour on social media is doing an injustice to all of us who support your policies. As a private citizen you have the right to behave however you please, however as the leader of a political party you no longer have that exclusive right. You now represent those of us who believe in what you are fighting for – a fairer NZ delivered with evidence-based policy. As one of those people I am embarrassed by and ashamed of your conduct.

Your style is driving away potential TOP voters, particularly on the left.

I still want to be a candidate for TOP, but I absolutely will not condone or defend your comments on Twitter. I also have no interest in working for someone who cannot hear criticism and alter their approach when warranted.”

I got a reassuring response from Geoff Simmons after that. I’ve come to believe that Gareth never set eyes on my email.

In the end, those initial red flags led to the demise of TOP we have witnessed this week.

You simply cannot operate a party as a monarchy, within a system of democratic government. Gareth Morgan’s hold on power at TOP was absolute. His close inner circle, including the only two other board members, appeared to prioritise keeping Gareth happy over getting into Parliament.

One of my full time volunteers once received a phone call from one of Gareth’s staffers at 7am berating her for replying to an e-mail Gareth had sent her. Obviously, her response hadn’t gone down well.

I was assured at one stage that people disagreed robustly with Gareth behind closed doors. It seemed to have little impact on the direction of the campaign. No one had any authority, apart from the most minor operational details. Even Facebook videos were almost always sent to him for review before they were released.

There wasn’t a budget for anything. If anyone needed money, they had to get Gareth to approve it, and that was like getting blood out of a stone. (Late in the campaign, I read Laila Harré’s account of her experience working with Kim Dotcom and felt a rush of solidarity. That campaign spent millions too, but Laila Harré never had any budget herself.)

In Ōhāriu, where my colleague Jessica Hammond Doube was running, we raised our own funds to do campaigning in the electorate. It took until two weeks before election day for us to get permission to put up hoardings with Jessica Hammond’s face on them, even though we paid for them ourselves.

Gareth’s top-down, my-way-or-the-highway style has clearly served him well in his business ventures. But it is particularly unsuited to leading passionate volunteers, even more so when those volunteers come from across the political spectrum.

Gareth supported liberal policies, but not the “fragile flowers” who engaged in “identity politics”. He frequently offended many people inside TOP’s own camp. When the situation called for calm, Gareth would double down. If we want to work across the left-right divide, we need to be willing to listen to each other and de-escalate situations when we disagree. I’ve never seen Gareth de-escalate anything in his life.

Gareth Morgan on election night 2017. Photo by Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

Personally, I was never offended by Gareth’s use of the phrase “lipstick on a pig”, as I said on Morning Report. What bothered me was the arrogant and tone-deaf response when others, including our own supporters, were offended. I believe that people who support progressive policies need to work together, whether or not we can all keep up with the appropriate terminology.

For us to work together though, we need to cut each other some slack. Which means being prepared to shrug off when people don’t say things the “correct” way, as long as they are able to apologise and try to do better next time. We have to be willing to compromise and meet in the middle.

When challenged about any of this, the explanation was always that there wasn’t enough time to do it any other way. The party had been started so quickly, and a campaign needs a general. Geoff Simmons assured me that he believed, after the election, there would be a new constitution and a transition to greater democracy in TOP.

So I hung on. And when nothing much happened, I pushed for change. You might have already heard how that turned out.

As it became clear that change was not going to happen, the party began to shed talent. Candidates left: myself, Dan Thurston-Crow, and Kevin Neill, followed soon after by Geoff Simmons, Jessica Hammond, and Doug Hill. Many volunteers simply disappeared. Others held on, hoping, as I once had, that a transition was possible.

There is no satisfaction in discovering I was right to leave when I did. That the party really couldn’t be saved. I wanted to be wrong. I hoped that others would succeed where I had failed. That a different approach or a different messenger would tip the scales. I hoped, but I never really believed.

LIke Gareth, I have no regrets. I’m grateful TOP introduced me to so many clever, caring, passionate people, several of whom are also co-founders of Civic. I loved campaigning: connecting with people as we engage with our democracy is an inspiring experience. I’m still driven to make the future better for my kids.

I believe that bold, evidence-based policy that focuses on future generations can help make our country stronger. What we’ve learned from TOP is that making that happen will take strong values, a willingness to share power, and communication that leverages empathy to bridge the divide.

I’m proud that I fought to make TOP better. Even if, in the end, I was mostly banging my head against a brick wall. Looking back, I could perhaps have been a bit less masochistic about it. If I’m a pain in the arse, I’m a proud one. I think we need more in government.


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Gareth and Geoff
Gareth and Geoff

PoliticsJuly 13, 2018

What I learned from Gareth Morgan and the TOP adventure

Gareth and Geoff
Gareth and Geoff

As its first candidate and deputy leader, Geoff Simmons was the policy power behind Gareth Morgan’s fledgling, ill-fated party. In the week that Morgan announced its demise, Simmons reflects on the experience

It’s been quite sad and surreal to watch TOP’s demise. Even more surreal is being bombarded with requests for my views on what went wrong, or whether I’m going to start a new political party, or whether we should give up all hope of real progress and descend into a life of drug-fuelled hedonism (if you are going to do this please be evidence-based and use drugs with lower harm).

The short answer is: I don’t know.

However, I do have some thoughts from the whole saga, and if they are right (at the moment they are only thoughts) they present some interesting opportunities and challenges to the future of New Zealand politics.

  1. It’s possible

TOP showed that this sort of political revolution is possible. With 12 months’ work and very little mainstream media coverage TOP got over 60,000 votes. We pushed forward the debate on issues like housing & tax, cannabis and NZ Super reform. I’m eternally grateful to those people that took the punt to vote for something new, and I’m gutted that their trust in TOP wasn’t rewarded. I’m also grateful to Gareth Morgan for starting the whole thing.

A new party was never going to immediately upset the cosy grip of the Labour/National cartel over our parliament like Gareth wanted to. It is pretty clear that was an unrealistic goal, given that two thirds of NZers vote pretty much automatically for the same party every time. This is frustrating because those two parties are actually the closest to one another on policy.

Breaking this cosy cartel is a very long term game and will probably require some kind of crisis to break established patterns. However, we learned that making an impact and coming close to getting into Parliament is doable. Now we just need to build on that.

  1. It’s hard

Getting the 5% of the vote required to get into parliament is hard, and expensive. Even if people really got inspired and got behind the movement – which isn’t easy – people find politics a bit icky so it takes money to get the word out. Serious money.

This barrier to getting new parties into parliament (which is about to get worse with Winston Peters’ bill to stop “waka jumping”) is a pretty serious threat to our democracy at a time when we desperately need new ideas.

  1. Old media makes it harder

There has been a lot of discussion of Gareth Morgan’s style, and whether that was a good thing for TOP. I’m sure readers will have their own opinion on that.

The point that hasn’t been mentioned is that without Gareth’s personality, TOP would have barely rated a mention in mainstream media. Like it or not, Gareth built his career and two successful businesses on the back of his unique media style. This approach was and is successful with the old style mainstream media. Even this “new-media” website only really covered TOP for the personality of its leader and comms director.

So the realpolitik choice for TOP was to use Gareth’s natural style to its full, or face getting no mainstream media coverage. Being reasonable is a death sentence in the mainstream media. Just ask Peter Dunne.

Social media offers a promising new alternative. It allows politicians to talk directly to people, and offers the opportunity to explain yourself IF you are funny and/or inspiring. Being controversial doesn’t work so well on social media unless you are appealing to Winston’s audience. This is where what works on social media clashes with what works on old media. Given that TOP’s audience is mostly young people who never read a newspaper or watch TV, this clash was a real problem.

The way forward for a party that wants to talk about what works might be to shun mainstream media completely and focus on social media. The problem is that (until now) nobody has ever successfully run a campaign entirely on social media. It may allow you to talk directly to your followers but reaching new audiences is tricky and expensive. So for those looking to restart TOP here’s the biggest challenge: to convince funders to fund an unproven campaign strategy targeted at an age group that in the past hasn’t voted.

Is it possible? With a delicate cocktail of money, inspiration and fun I believe so. Regardless, I think it is the only way forward for any future TOP style vehicle.

  1. The issues facing millennials aren’t going away

Even with Labour in power, not much will change. If you are under 40, you are unlikely to own a house. The best we can hope for with inequality and the environment is that they stop getting worse. And our nation will be no closer to the wealth of those Nordic countries we love to compare ourselves to.

Labour and National aren’t really interested in upsetting their cosy cartel. NZ First isn’t interested in progress full stop, and the Greens and ACT remain pretty useless bolted on to the left and right wings of Labour and National respectively. So the policy platform of TOP will remain relevant for the youth and anyone that wants to see affordable housing, reduced inequality and an cleaner environment while improving our economy at the same time.

  1. Change is inevitable

Given the global trends, it looks like some sort of policy revolution is inevitable. The current system isn’t working. The only question is whether it we can make it a revolution for good, or let it descend into a Trump-style kickback that makes things worse.

TOP showed that we do have a choice to do things differently. That with fresh thinking we could improve our economy, society and environment. 60,000 people got on board after a 12-month campaign, so there’s a real demand for radical change.

One area I disagree with Gareth is his perspective that the New Zealand public are “fat content and complacent”. I think people really aspire to having a better country, but they are afraid of change. So when people hear promises that we can make it all better with a few minor changes they latch on, because that’s easier. But meaningful impact requires large change, and large change requires some sacrifice, particularly from those at the top. As a society, that’s what we need to grapple with if we’re going to create the country we want.

But if that all seems too hard, let’s at least get marijuana legalised so millennials can ignore politics and be hedonistic in a lower-harm way than with alcohol and P. And I highly recommend using vapes.


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Politics