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11 years ago we were basking under a big gay rainbow, now we’re dicussing toilets. (Image: Anna Rawhiti-Connell
11 years ago we were basking under a big gay rainbow, now we’re dicussing toilets. (Image: Anna Rawhiti-Connell

OPINIONPoliticsMay 15, 2024

NZ First’s toilet bill is designed to outrage but that doesn’t mean we can ignore it

11 years ago we were basking under a big gay rainbow, now we’re dicussing toilets. (Image: Anna Rawhiti-Connell
11 years ago we were basking under a big gay rainbow, now we’re dicussing toilets. (Image: Anna Rawhiti-Connell

The bill opens the door to hate. It’s our collective job to shut it, writes Anna Rawhiti-Connell.

Just over 11 years ago, most of the country was basking in the refracted light of a big gay rainbow. National MP Maurice Williamson’s speech in support of the Marriage Equality Bill, and a Pakuranga rainbow, went viral. The bill passed and the moment slotted nicely into the national canon alongside being the first country to give women the right to vote. 

Amid the joy of that night, Williamson did several important things with nothing but his words and an understanding of the weight they might carry. Perhaps unfairly for the many who had invested far more, and for whom the stakes were far higher, Williamson’s speech had the kind of crossover appeal that dots i’s and crosses t’s on matters of social change and progress. His common sense oratorical stylings chipped some veneer off the public acceptability of viewing gay people as less equal or less deserving of the same rights and protections as everyone else. 

Williamson weighted power and consequence correctly. He’d heard the arguments of those warning of hellfire and brimstone and decided that those asking to marry the person they loved were in the right. As an MP, he used his vote and platform power in favour of those who had more to lose in the fight.

He also handed out a free pass for those with any lingering personal discomfort but little at stake, describing the bill as “fantastic for the people it affects” while assuring the rest of us that “life will go on”. With the bill passed and the debate settled, the personal lives of others could reassuringly be “none of your business”.

On matters of social change, words and signals matter. To the public at large, they provide a broad judgment about what is acceptable, at least as far as socially sanctioned behaviour goes. For those directly impacted by the behaviour of others because they’re the ones whose existence and identity is fodder for public debate, ridicule and attack, they provide some shelter against prevailing winds. 

Politicians seldom choose their words, nor the signal they wish to send, by accident. Maurice Williamson didn’t in 2013, and our current crop aren’t in 2024.  

On Friday afternoon, New Zealand’s deputy prime minister Winston Peters tweeted:

It’s not difficult.
Men’s toilets for men.
Woman’s toilets for woman.
If you want to use a unisex toilet you can. 

PS .

Mr Hipkins,

Woman = Adult. Human. Female. 

The tweet was in support of a private members bill called the Fair Access to Bathrooms Bill, introduced by NZ First MP Tanya Unkovich. The bill would create an offence for any person caught using a toilet who “is not of the sex for which that toilet has been designated” and a requirement that public buildings have three types of toilets – male, female and unisex. The bill was flagged by Peters during last year’s election campaign. At the time, prime minister Christopher Luxon said, “you are on another planet if you want to have a conversation about bathrooms and make that an election issue.” It is not in the coalition agreement. It is not top of mind for most people. It is not inflation, the cost of living, education, health or tax. 

So why bother talking about it? Why highlight a bill that most of the country is rolling their eyes at and god-willing, based on the prime minister’s comments, won’t get very far? 

If you’re not familiar, this functionally impossible bill, and the debate it throws up, is common fodder for those railing against anything other than biological sex at birth as a determinant of gender. Peters’ sign off, “Woman = Adult. Human. Female.” has appeared on billboards paid for by Kellie-Jay Keen-Minshull (otherwise known as Posie Parker) and used by groups like Speak Up for Women. The toilet bill is, as Stuff and others report, “likely to target the transgender community, restricting which toilets they could use”. 

Deputy prime minister, Winston Peters. Photo by Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

Just like Williamson’s carefully chosen words, the words in Peters’ tweet are carefully chosen. Among the “‘atta boy, common sense, I remember when men were men and women were women” framing is a signal that amplifies a fringe concern. It sanctions that concern and all the division it causes on a platform where it will get enough unregulated airtime to satiate and encourage those who want it to be a mainstream concern. If people are looking for cues to dress up their prejudice against an already marginalised group of people as socially acceptable behaviour, there they are, sanctioned by no less than the deputy prime minister of our country.

The debate and the bill is based on specious concerns about protecting cis women from trans women, whose gender identity is being constantly questioned by those who can not stomach leaving other people’s gender determination to the individual whom it solely impacts, and believe it to be a matter of public concern. Research consistently points to trans people disproportionately being the victims of exclusionary bathroom policies like those being introduced in some American states. The debate is frequently given oxygen on social media and is a direct import of tactics deployed by politicians in the fanning of culture war flames around the world. 

Culture war rhetoric is easily dismissed. We can turn a blind eye to it as long as we maintain it’s a ridiculous distraction. Conventional analysis and wisdom tells us that the current incarnation of “the culture wars” exists partially because the media observes what happens on social media like it’s studying a petri dish and goes on to talk about what’s happening there like it’s another planet. Most people have bigger things to worry about. 

The problem is that Peters is not on another planet. He’s the deputy prime minister and the second most politically powerful person in the same country and on the same planet as the rest of us. That includes those most at risk of being hit by ammunition solely deployed to satiate a small but loud base.

Some people don’t have bigger things to worry about because they’re 13 and feel confused, isolated, vulnerable, exposed and in danger as they try and work out who they are and who they might be. Some people don’t have bigger things to  worry about because they’re the parents, friends and whānau of kids they’re trying to protect, aid and understand. 

‘If you value The Spinoff and the perspectives we share, support our work by donating today.’
Anna Rawhiti-Connell
— Senior writer

I think it’s perfectly fine for people to be asking questions about gender and our evolving understanding of it. It’s fine to be confused. It’s fine not to have all the answers and to not know the right thing to say. The toilet bill and the toilet debate, happening as it is on the worst possible platform for encouraging thoughtful conversation, is not a genuine exercise in advancing our collective knowledge and understanding, it’s a Trojan horse for people’s prejudice. It is a tail flicking at us from interests that don’t represent the majority and we, in the absence of leadership, are a dog being wagged.

The country that celebrated the Big Gay Rainbow deserves better. We owe it to ourselves and each other not to look away when certain craven signals are being sent by the very powerful at the expense of those who so easily become collateral damage in a war in which most of us would rather not be fighting.

Keep going!
Image: Supplied; design by The Spinoff
Image: Supplied; design by The Spinoff

OPINIONPoliticsMay 13, 2024

Why public housing is under threat from the debt narrative

Image: Supplied; design by The Spinoff
Image: Supplied; design by The Spinoff

Kāinga Ora’s debt problem is serious – but so is the urgent need for more affordable homes, says poverty campaigner Alan Johnson.

As Kāinga Ora cancels projects and sells land previously earmarked for development, it’s clear that two issues are set to dominate the public housing narrative over the next few years. These are the agency’s ballooning debt, and the amount the government spends on building decent homes for poor New Zealanders.

Debt is likely to be the dominant narrative of Sir Bill English’s forthcoming official review of Kāinga Ora’s finances, the release of which was scheduled for late March but has been delayed. This will fit well into the finance minister Nicola Willis’s own preoccupation with getting the government’s books in order and reversing what she sees as the economic recklessness of the previous government.

Kāinga Ora’s debt certainly grew quickly under the political stewardship of Labour. In 2018, shortly before it swept to power, the state housing agency, then know as Housing New Zealand, held relatively modest debt of $2.7 billion. At that time, it owned or managed 64,000 rental housing units. By mid-2023 the organisation now known as Kāinga Ora faced debt of $12.3 billion and had 72,000 dwellings rented as homes or transitional housing units.

In effect these 8,000 extra houses came with an extra debt load of $9.6 billion, or $1.2 million per house. This measure is made worse by the fact that Kāinga Ora already owned the land on which these additional houses were built and the houses themselves were mostly modest apartments or townhouses.

In March 2022, the government announced 10,000 new houses would be built in Māngere over the next 10-15 years. (Photo: Kāinga Ora)

So were the previous government’s efforts to address homelessness a total financial disaster? Before answering that, we should stipulate two things: Kāinga Ora was trying to do more than just build more homes for the poorest New Zealanders, and the debt narrative is based solely on accounting convention.

In 2019, the government set up Kāinga Ora as both a public housing landlord and an urban development agency. As such Kāinga Ora was given a legislative mandate to “go beyond being a social landlord or urban development agency” so as to have “a much larger impact on New Zealand and the quality of New Zealanders’ lives”. For sure, Labour had big ambitions for Kāinga Ora – it just didn’t have an ambition to pay for it.

Kāinga Ora was expected to pursue its ambitious mission with a mix of rental subsidies (known as income-related rent subsidies or IRRS), asset sales and borrowing. This was never a winning combination. The problems were exacerbated by the organisation’s ageing, poorly maintained legacy housing stock and the challenges of redeveloping suburban land that had worn out infrastructure and was often subject to geotechnical limitations and Treaty claims.

Through all of this the Labour government provided Kāinga Ora with just $225 million in extra capital. The government could easily have borrowed $10 billion, provided this to Kāinga Ora as equity capital, and the debt narrative would have disappeared. Of Kāinga Ora’s existing debt, $5 billion is already borrowed from the government, which in turn borrowed it from private money markets. How the capital Kāinga Ora needed was allocated had very little impact on the government’s balance sheet.

Number of applicants on the Ministry of Social Development’s public housing waitlist, as at December 2023. (Source: Ministry of Housing and Urban Development)

The debt issue is certainly problematic, but the asset sales were far worse. As National has pointed out, the briefings it received as the incoming government showed that more than 10,000 state houses would have to be sold off to finance Kāinga Ora’s redevelopment programme. These asset sales had proceeded quietly under Labour. This was often under the guise of a mixed tenure/mixed income model in the redevelopment of suburbs such as Northcote, Mt Roskill and Māngere. Be clear – this is state-sponsored gentrification and will likely continue, perhaps with a different justification, under the present government.

At a time when we need more public housing for those poorest New Zealanders who are being pushed to the margins of the housing market by surging immigration, we are instead likely to get even less. The politics of parsimony and the economics of austerity will prevail and these will deepen the recession that Nicola Willis already appears to be celebrating.

Our homelessness problem is not intractable but it will require a steadfast dedication to just getting on and building more and more social housing – whether through the agency of the state, local government, community organisations, or iwi and hapū. Kāinga Ora was making progress and looked to be achieving an operational scale in redeveloping sites which, over a five- to 10-year period, would have made an appreciable difference. This is being wrecked by a debt narrative that ignores the real social and economic benefits gained from decent affordable housing for the poorest New Zealanders.

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Toby Manhire
— Editor-at-large

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