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Te Tai Tokerau (Image: Archi Banal)
Te Tai Tokerau (Image: Archi Banal)

PoliticsSeptember 26, 2023

It’s the tail that directs the fish: The political heft of Te Tai Tokerau

Te Tai Tokerau (Image: Archi Banal)
Te Tai Tokerau (Image: Archi Banal)

Will Labour deputy leader Kelvin Davis retain his grip on the northernmost Māori electorate, or will strategic voting see a new name follow in the footsteps of Matiu Rata and Hone Harawira as a strong Māori voice for Te Tai Tokerau?

Read the other battleground electorate profiles in our Hot Seats series here.

Some elders in the north say that when the tail of the fish moves, the rest of the fish is not lacking direction. Although the head of Te Ika a Māui is in Wellington, it can only go where the tail allows. This whakataukī encapsulates the symbiotic relationship between Wellington’s heart of political decision-making and the significant influence of regions like Te Tai Tokerau.

Despite Northland often being labelled the poorest region in Aotearoa due to socioeconomic metrics, its political history and influence are profound. All principal signatories of He Whakaputanga o Te Rangatiratanga o Nu Tireni were from Te Tai Tokerau. The country’s first capital was Okiato, near Russell. The region remains central to debates about Māori rights, particularly in discussions surrounding Te Tiriti. The Māori land march began in Te Hāpua and Ngāpuhi stands as the largest iwi in the country. The region’s leadership in environmental initiatives, rooted in a Māori perspective that stresses kaitiakitanga, has often paved the way for broader environmental conversations nationwide

In Te Hiku, locals often ask, “Is the gorge open?” This refers to the frequently obstructed Mangamuka Gorge and, recently, the Brynderwyns, where State Highway One was shut after Cyclone Gabrielle’s onslaught. Such transportation hindrances underscore the region’s drive for greater autonomy. Investments through the Provincial Growth Fund and Cyclone Relief Fund aim to address this, promoting sectors beyond traditional tourism, pine and honey industries. The Kaipara Moana’s ecological restoration, with a staggering $750 million investment, offers fresh career avenues, transforming former loggers into tree planters.

Over the years, the electorate of Te Tai Tokerau has sent strong Māori voices to Wellington, voices that have often played crucial roles in policy discussions affecting Māori communities. One such voice is Hone Harawira, a prominent Māori rights advocate and founder of the Mana Movement, who represented Te Tai Tokerau for three terms in parliament from 2005, before losing the seat to the incumbent Kelvin Davis.

Another famed figure is Matiu Rata, who represented Northern Māori, the precursor to Te Tai Tokerau, in parliament from 1963 to 1980, and who holds the distinction of being both the inaugural Māori minister of lands and the first Māori minister of Māori affairs as part of the 1972 Labour government. Rata amplified the prominence of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and Waitangi Day, increased government expenditure on housing and education, and kickstarted crucial steps towards the safeguarding and acknowledgment of Māori language and culture. Among his enduring legacies, the establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal stands out as Rata’s most consequential and enduring contribution to the political tapestry of Aotearoa.

Matiu Rata in 1970 and Hone Harawira in 2014 (Photos: Getty Images)

In 2014, Kelvin Davis took over from Hone Harawira as the MP for Te Tai Tokerau. While both have been influential in voicing the concerns of the Māori community, their political trajectories, affiliations and some of their stances show distinct differences. Davis is generally perceived as a moderate, working collaboratively within the parliamentary system, and has a background in education. In contrast, Harawira, initially from the Māori Party and later founder of the Mana Movement, is known for his more radical stance and confrontational style, with a history of activism for Māori rights. The ousting of Hone Harawira was blamed on a few factors, including his relationship with Kim Dotcom, a billionaire who is continuing to battle against the FBI in court, and the split of the vote between Harawira and Māori Party candidate Te Hira Paenga.

While his 2014 victory over Harawira was by a slim margin, Davis won the seat comfortably in both 2017 and 2020, gaining over 50% of the vote each time. This year, many in the electorate feel as though Davis, now with three terms under his belt, has had ample time to prove his worth to the notoriously hard-to-please Te Tai Tokerau constituents. The deputy leader of the Labour Party is claiming that since taking office, Labour has improved rehabilitation rates in prisons, there are fewer Māori children under the control of Oranga Tamariki, pay parity has been achieved for kohanga reo kaiako plus other improvements in the education sector, and there is increased accountability from government agencies to Māori. Although he is guaranteed a seat in the next parliament as he is number two on Labour’s list, Davis is still eager to see Te Tai Tokerau stay red as it has traditionally done.

Kelvin Davis, the incumbent (Photo: Getty Images)

The upcoming election sees a diverse roster of candidates for the Te Tai Tokerau seat. Te Rūnanga Nui o Te Aupōuri chief executive Mariameno Kapa-Kingi, of Te Pāti Māori, is running for the second election in a row after being runner-up to Davis in 2020. Kapa-Kingi, whose son Eru sits just two spots below her at number nine on the list of Te Pāti Māori, has decades of experience in iwi social services and governance, and recently led the development of a 16-house papakāinga in Te Kao.

Mariameno Kapa Kingi, Te Pāti Māori candidate for Te Tai Tokerau

While in 2020, the first election in which he wasn’t competing against Harawira, Davis received more than twice as many votes as Kapa-Kingi, many will be predicting she increases her share of votes this year. Davis is likely to feel the effects of a nationwide turn against Labour, and in an election where anti-Māori sentiment has been simmering, voters in the Māori seats are expected to turn out for Te Pāti Māori candidates like Kapa-Kingi in greater numbers in an attempt to counter it.

Entering the fray for the first time and a potential dark horse is the Green Party’s candidate Hūhana Lyndon, who is the chief executive of the Ngātiwai Trust Board. Lyndon, who has a diverse career portfolio in health, education and primary industries at operational and governance levels. She has stood twice in local government elections and says her focus will be on constitutional transformation by implementing Matike Mai, climate change adaptation planning with hapū and iwi of Te Tai Tokerau, and sustainable economic development via significant investment in infrastructure. At number 10 on the Green Party list, on current polling she’s likely to make it into parliament.

Other candidates running in Te Tai Tokerau include the co-leader of the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party, Maki Herbert. Herbert, who is running for the third time, is from Pawarenga, a small Māori town on the southern side of the Whangapē Harbour, and is currently living in Mangamuka. Running for the second straight time is independent Paturiri Toautu, who previously stood under the name Moemoea Mohoawhenua. Also once known as Benjamin Nathan, Toautu gained media attention in 1997 for smashing the America’s Cup with a sledgehammer and again late last year when he organised a protest against the karakia ban at Kaipara District Council. In 2020, he received less than 1% of the vote. One name missing from this year’s ballot is conspiracy theorist Billy Te Kahika, who received nearly 5% of the vote in Te Tai Tokerau in 2020 when he stood for the now defunct Public Party, which he led. Earlier this month, Te Kahika was convicted of electoral fraud for failing to declare candidate donations and keep records. He is yet to be sentenced.

Spanning from Te Rerenga Wairua at the northernmost point of Te Ika a Māui to Devonport on the North Shore and Te Henga on Tāmaki Makaurau’s west coast, the electorate’s diversity poses challenges for candidates. With a significant portion of its voters based in urban areas like Tāmaki Makaurau and Whangārei, aligning policies to resonate with both rural and urban constituents is a complex task.

Intriguingly, both Davis and Lyndon are likely to secure parliamentary seats even if they don’t win their electorates due to their high placement on their respective party lists. This presents an opportunity for strategic voting, potentially seeing all major candidates representing Te Tai Tokerau in parliament.

The political landscape of Te Tai Tokerau is as varied and rich as its storied history. From ancient proverbs that embody the essence of regional influence to the ever-evolving political dynamics of the present, this electorate serves as a microcosm of Aotearoa’s broader political and cultural tapestry. As candidates bring forward diverse visions, it’s clear that Te Tai Tokerau remains a linchpin in shaping New Zealand’s future. Amid the complexities of strategic voting, the true power lies in the hands of the constituents. As the ancient wisdom suggests, while the head may guide, it’s the tail that determines the direction. The upcoming elections will undoubtedly further etch Te Tai Tokerau’s significance in the annals of Aotearoa’s political narrative.

‘He mea tautoko nā ngā mema atawhai. Supported by our generous members.’
Liam Rātana
— Ātea editor
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strips of different colours suggesting different political parties are overlaid with orange circles containing symbols of sight impairment, hearing impairment, wheelchair users, closed caption, a question mark. The Election 2023 sticker also features
Image: Tina Tiller

OPINIONPoliticsSeptember 26, 2023

What would the different parties’ policies mean for disabled people?

strips of different colours suggesting different political parties are overlaid with orange circles containing symbols of sight impairment, hearing impairment, wheelchair users, closed caption, a question mark. The Election 2023 sticker also features
Image: Tina Tiller

Looking at the election policies stacked in front of the New Zealand public this year, I feel as though I have time-travelled back to the 1980s, writes disability advocate Colleen Brown.

I’ve always thought New Zealand was a a decent place to live, and a country based on “fairness”. I had a pretty standard post-war childhood and upbringing, which shaped the way I view New Zealand, a society where reason, logic and sensible debate can create change.

When our son Travers was born with Down syndrome some 40 years ago, everyone was supportive, kind and well-meaning, but so often the law lagged far behind any good intentions. Expectations about the life he would lead were limited because he was intellectually disabled. Disabled people, parents, whānau and organisations have fought for many years for inclusion, dignity and respect at every level of our society. Now, right now, looking at the election policies stacked in front of the New Zealand public, I feel as though I have time-travelled back to the 1980s.

The general public needs to understand that it is the policies we live with that disable people. We need policies that enable us to fully participate in our communities and in society in general. When policies are inclusive, it makes life so much easier. Accessible housing, public transport, community funding and employment are all basic rights. If they are eroded then life becomes extremely difficult and huge inequities are created. So, the big question for the disability community, as it is every three years, is, “How will we fare in this election?” 

Image: Bianca Cross

Every eligible voter should read the election policies on Policy.nz, where policies are sliced and diced into easily digestible portions. Concentrating on the four main political parties, and trying to be even-handed, the lack of awareness of and understanding about the needs and aspirations of the disabled community is apparent in the stated intentions in a number of the different parties’ policies. It needs to be noted that many of the Greens’ policies will resonate with the disability sector.

Prejudice and ignorance are laid bare for all to see. I feel as though I have been living in a parallel universe. Who are these people who would abolish the very government organisations we depend on to get justice for disabled whānau? As a volunteer disability advocate, I have used the Office of the Human Rights Commission (HRC) to drag a simple apology from a school protecting a teacher who thought it was OK to denigrate a disabled child in front of his classmates. The disability community constantly uses the HRC to check on how disabled people are being treated, the legislation that needs to be updated, our rights. 

Looking at the key planned policies that are lifelines for disabled people – we will lose a number that make life bearable. Gone are the institutions the disabled community relies on to “test” existing laws and actions (Act). Gone is the relief from having to pay $5 prescription charges (National). Note to National – not all disabled people have a community services card. That $5 can mean the difference in an already skimpy budget, enabling extra rations of meat and veg. Gone are the fair pay agreements, the removal of which will disproportionately disadvantage disabled (Act and National).

Schools are screaming out for greater trained support for students with learning needs. The Greens acknowledge and address this among their 11 disability policies. The Greens also acknowledge the need for advocacy. An advocacy council was created under the fourth Labour government in 1989. The National government dismantled it when they gained power in 1990. Another hard-fought battle lost – 30 years of lost information about systemic issues confronting the disability sector. 

Labour opts for the status quo – keeping subsidies and key commissions in place, which have made a substantial difference to the lives of many disabled people; winter energy payments, travel subsidies and free prescriptions all add up when your life is constrained by a limited income or benefit. One meaningful Labour policy that has flown under the radar is the tying of benefits to wage increases rather than the Consumer Price Index (CPI).  This is a catch-up policy. Now disabled beneficiaries like Travers have his main benefit adjustments aligned to how superannuation is adjusted, which has been linked to the average wage increases for many years. Disabled people on the benefit want assurances that this policy will not be changed. 

Image: Archi Banal

Having money for the basics that many of us take for granted is important for self-esteem and feeling that you are a valued part of society. The big tick to Labour comes in the form of Whaikaha – the Ministry of Disabled People. It is early days yet, and one newly fledged ministry cannot be all things to the disability sector; other ministries must pull their weight as well. But Labour needs to go further. The disability sector needs data. No party jumps on that issue. Child Poverty Action Group has examined a wide range of essential issues in a policy brief for this election, with recommendations on policy actions needed right now.

The New Zealand Disability Strategy is big on disabled people having choice and control over their lives. However, we still have constraints over the key areas of education and housing, through the lack of data enabling us and the government to plan for our futures. Special school rolls are full, not enough satellite classes exist, children enrolled in local schools need ongoing support in their classrooms; disabled people who are homeless are far down the list for social housing; we need data along with cross-party agreements for long-term solutions and gains.

Trying to find an accessible home is an ongoing challenge for disabled people, as there are not enough. Currently Kāinga Ora has a target to build at least 15% of its new homes to universal design standards. Disabled people, families and whānau have lobbied to shift that percentage higher. It makes sense when all the indicators point to a greater need for social housing for particularly the ageing population and those who are disabled. It is much cheaper to build to a universal design standard than retrofit existing homes.

The hugely challenging housing policy for the disabled renters is the right to evict tenants without cause (National). This is a harsh policy for the disability community. When Travers and his mates were looking for a flat, it was extremely difficult to find a landlord who would rent to them. Negative attitudes towards marginalised people run long and deep.

orange backgroun, a house and an open door showing lots of hands raised behind it
Image: Archi Banal

Let’s talk equality and equity. To be clear, for a disabled person to participate fully in our society they may need more resources than other citizens to achieve that. We used to call that “giving people a fair go”. A subsidy for the important things in life – transport, medicine, benefits. Equality is about equal rights, status and opportunities. Equity is about outcomes which come from justice and fairness and understanding that support should be given according to need. 

It doesn’t matter how often politicians scream it, how many sound bites they use up saying it – people are not created equal. Some people are always going to need more to live a good life.

I know political parties will quickly assure the disability community that they aren’t being targeted; that they didn’t mean “them” in these draconian policies. But that’s the point. Many political parties don’t think about disabled people… at all.

Twenty-five percent of the voters in this country have a disability of some kind. If these policies come into being, and disabled people are discriminated against, the irony is we may not even have anywhere to go to complain because the Human Rights Commission may have been dismantled.

A country is judged on how it treats its most marginalised residents. In brief, the most marginalised citizen in New Zealand is a Māori woman or girl with a disability. They are among the poorest and most easily ignored. Is this how we want this “fair” and “decent” country of ours, and by association us, to be judged?

When you look at the candidates and parties on your voting papers, before you place your mark on that paper, take a moment to think about the disabled people you see in your community every day. After 40 years of fighting a very hard fight, I know for sure that if you make a disabled person’s life better, you make life better for everyone.

‘Hutt Valley, Kāpiti, down to the south coast. Our Wellington coverage is powered by members.’
Joel MacManus
— Wellington editor
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