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Richard Spencer talks on October 19, 2017 in Gainesville, Florida. Spencer delivered a speech on the college campus, his first since he and others participated in the “Unite the Right” rally, which turned violent in Charlottesville, Virginia.  (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
Richard Spencer talks on October 19, 2017 in Gainesville, Florida. Spencer delivered a speech on the college campus, his first since he and others participated in the “Unite the Right” rally, which turned violent in Charlottesville, Virginia. (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

SocietyNovember 12, 2017

I learned German with white supremacist Richard Spencer

Richard Spencer talks on October 19, 2017 in Gainesville, Florida. Spencer delivered a speech on the college campus, his first since he and others participated in the “Unite the Right” rally, which turned violent in Charlottesville, Virginia.  (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
Richard Spencer talks on October 19, 2017 in Gainesville, Florida. Spencer delivered a speech on the college campus, his first since he and others participated in the “Unite the Right” rally, which turned violent in Charlottesville, Virginia. (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

You know him as a white supremacist and dangerous idiot. New Zealander Julie Hill knew Richard Spencer as a fellow language student – one who was loathed by classmates and teachers alike.

For one day last decade, I became BFFs with white supremacist, coiner of the term “alt-right”, and one of the world’s biggest fuckwits, Richard Spencer.

Let me explain.

We were in Berlin, in the magical, endless summer of 2006, when Germany hosted the World Cup and rediscovered its patriotic mojo. The city, branded by its cool gay mayor Klaus Wowereit as “poor but sexy”, was becoming a Mecca for artists.

I’d won a scholarship to study German in Berlin, and after sitting a test had rather fraudulently ended up in the advanced class. My German, which I’d learned as a teenage exchange student, was now rusty as hell, but I was too vain and competitive to demote myself to an easier class.

In über-hipster Berlin, Richard Spencer stood out like a poo in a punchbowl. He was the embodiment of preppy: his hair rigidly gelled to one side, his clothing perma-pressed and immaculate. But he was, initially at least, friendly and charming, and handsome in a big-faced Buzz Lightyear kind of way. And it pains me to say it, but his German was excellent, although his accent was diabolical.

Richard Spencer speaks in London, November 2016. CC-BY-2.0

I was drawn to Spencer, not so much because of his winning personality, but because he was the only other native English speaker in our class. On our first day, during the kleine Pause, the little break, I admitted to him that I was out of my league. He encouraged me to stay in the class and offered to help me out with my tenses. What a kind guy, I thought.

That night, we met at a Vietnamese restaurant, where Spencer patiently wrote out and explained the correct usage of all the tenses. We chatted about our backgrounds. He told me he and some of his other family members owned a bunch of “farms” somewhere in the South. Said “farms” turned out to be a vast swath of cotton plantations in Louisiana, the kind African slaves were forced to work on for free. But we’ll get to that.

By the end of our meal Spencer still had a tiny bit of food on his plate, and he asked the waiter if he could have it to take away. The waiter frowned and said “really?” because it was such a small amount, but Spencer wasn’t embarrassed. I later learned that he couldn’t cook so much as a piece of toast, seemingly because he was too posh, so taking away tiny morsels of food from restaurants was the only way he could stay alive.

Spencer and I were both scholarship students and had been billeted out to family homes. I was staying in Kreuzberg with a performance artist who played violin while wearing a suit of grass but, despite her last name literally meaning “cool” (Kühl), she was incredibly uptight, so I’d arranged to move houses. Spencer, meanwhile, was living in some old guy’s house in Nollendorfplatz. The old guy was never home and there was a spare room, so when Spencer offered it to me for the night, I snapped it up.

The apartment was owned by a businessman in his seventies. It what I imagine a Masonic lodge might look like, with dark wooden panelling and a moose’s head hanging in the hallway. Spencer showed me photos of the man in his youth, chatting up an array of foxy ladies. It was clear that Spencer aspired to become this old German guy some day.

We sat at a table in the kitchen, where Spencer told me about a game he liked to play called “Lesbian or just German?”, the idea being that German women were so hairy and asexual that one couldn’t tell the difference. I was beginning to think this guy might be a bit of an arsehole. Later, he confirmed my suspicions by going on an unprompted rant about why Mexicans shouldn’t be let into the United States. We fought about this for some time, but trying to argue with Spencer was a lot like repeatedly smashing one’s head into a brick wall, so eventually I gave up and went to bed.

In the middle of the night, the door opened. Spencer was standing there wearing only his grey fitted boxer shorts. Evidently, he’d thoroughly misinterpreted my burning desire to improve my grammar. He said “hi”. I said “fuck off”. Thankfully, he did. But from then on, Richard Spencer, or “Richie Rich”, or “Richard the Republican”, as I called him behind his back, became my nemesis.

White nationalist Richard Spencer talks on October 19, 2017 in Gainesville, Florida. (Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

There is a German word that applies well to Spencer: Backpfeifengesicht. It means “a face that is crying out for a slap”. In class, he would go off on lengthy, tedious monologues that had even our teacher rolling his eyes. On one occasion, he and I ended up in a stand-up shouting match, during which I had to switch to English because there aren’t enough good swear words in German. Our class was composed of people of all ages, from all walks of life, and from all parts of the planet, but if there was one thing that united us, it was that we hated Richard Spencer’s guts.

At the time, Spencer was a PhD student at Duke University in North Carolina. During one of his unprompted tirades, he told us about a case going on there in which a stripper had accused three lacrosse players of rape. She was black, they were white, and it was being viewed as a hate crime. I remember the room falling silent when Spencer suggested that the lacrosse players (who were later found innocent) couldn’t have done it, because why would they want to have sex with a black woman?

There was something tragic about Spencer. He knew people despised him, but seemed kind of used to it. I remember him telling me wistfully that this was his third summer learning German abroad, but he still hadn’t met a nice girl. On my birthday, I took pity on him and invited him along to my party at a grungy bar called Wohnzimmer. He turned up with a tall, blonde Latvian woman, and they sat there looking like Barbie and Ken in Bohemia.

The author at the Wohnzimmer bar, Berlin, circa 2006 (supplied)

The year after our course, Spencer quit Duke to, in his own words, “pursue a life of thought crime”. He became assistant editor at The American Conservative magazine, but was fired because his views were too extreme. In 2010, he founded AlternativeRight.com, advocating for a “white ethno-state on the North American continent” and giving up “the false dreams of equality and democracy”.

Last year, Spencer shouted “hail Trump, hail our people, hail victory!” at a white nationalist conference in Washington DC. The crowd responded with Nazi salutes. In January, at Donald Trump’s inauguration, a masked man randomly punched him in the Backpfeifengesicht. And in May, Spencer led the tiki torch protest in Charlottesville, Virginia against the removal of a statue of Confederate leader Robert E. Lee.

Last week, a video went viral in which Spencer tells Guardian journalist Gary Younge that Africans contributed nothing to civilization but did super well out of slavery. Ever the charmer, he adds that since Younge is black, he can’t be British. Younge ends the interview in disgust.

On our last day of term, my German class staged a mutiny. Our teacher had encouraged us to make speeches to each other improve our spoken German, an offer no one had so far taken up. Spencer was a huge fan of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, whose writing he had interpreted to mean that there was simply no point bothering with morality. (“A little bit of Nietzsche in the wrong hands can be fatal,” quipped my Parisian classmate Pascal.)

The thought of spending the last hour of class, on a day that was hot as holy hell, listening to Spencer rant about Nietschze was simply unbearable, so after the kleine Pause, everyone but Richard walked out of school and went over the road for a beer. Later, our teacher admitted he saw us crossing the road from his office window, and silently cheered.


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James Prendergast, New Zealand’s third chief justice (Alexander Turnbull Library Ref: 1/2-031752; F)
James Prendergast, New Zealand’s third chief justice (Alexander Turnbull Library Ref: 1/2-031752; F)

SocietyNovember 11, 2017

Unjust: the story of James Prendergast

James Prendergast, New Zealand’s third chief justice (Alexander Turnbull Library Ref: 1/2-031752; F)
James Prendergast, New Zealand’s third chief justice (Alexander Turnbull Library Ref: 1/2-031752; F)

Black Sheep is an RNZ series about the shady, controversial and sometimes downright villainous characters of New Zealand history, presented by William Ray. Here he introduces James Prendergast, the attorney general and chief justice accused of being a racist enemy of Māori. 

“A simple nullity” – three words which damned the man who uttered them to become the most reviled judge in New Zealand history.

The quote referred to the Treaty of Waitangi and was part of a ruling which helped justify the separation of Māori from their lands for more than a hundred years. Other words in that ruling include “simple barbarians” and “savages”.

James Prendergast arrived in New Zealand during the Otago gold-rush in 1862. The son of a judge and trained as a lawyer at Cambridge University, he rose rapidly through the ranks of the legal profession and was appointed attorney general just three years after arriving in New Zealand.

“That is just a classic colonial [situation],” says Grant Morris, Victoria University legal historian and author of Prendergast: Legal Villain? “They just don’t have the people with enough experience to fill these roles, or at least they only have a few – so there is not a lot of competition.”

Listen to the podcast that accompanies this story here.

James Prendergast, New Zealand’s third chief justice (Alexander Turnbull Library Ref: 1/2-031752; F)

In the role of attorney general, Prendergast provided legal justification for horrific acts of the New Zealand Wars, including the use of ‘dead or alive’ bounties for Māori leaders.

In one legal opinion he wrote that “the revolt has now been carried out in defiance of all the laws of nature, and there can be no doubt that all who have taken part in it have forfeited all claim for mercy.”

He also dismissed the legitimacy of Māori grievances against the Crown saying:

“The Māoris now in arms have put forward no grievance for which they seek redress. Their objective, so far as can be collected from their acts, is murder, cannibalism and rape. They form themselves into bands and roam the country seeking prey”

“There were definitely people in the colony at the time who saw his opinions as being overly harsh,” says Grant Morris. “Some would have seen them as not even abiding by the law of the time.”

Prendergast served as attorney general until 1875 when he was appointed chief justice. In that role, he – alongside fellow judge Christopher Richmond – presided over the Wi Parata case. As part of his ruling, he declared the Treaty of Waitangi was a “simple nullity” insofar as it purported to cede sovereignty to the Crown because the Crown’s sovereignty came from ‘discovery and occupation’ rather than the Treaty.

Christopher William Richmond, the judge who heard the Wi Parata case alongside Prendergast (Alexander Turnbull Library Ref: 1/1-013502; G)

“But Prendergast actually goes further than that,” says Grant Morris.  “He says it’s not even a proper international treaty, because to have a proper international treaty you need to have the capacity or sovereignty to cede in the first place. He said Māori didn’t have that capacity because they were ‘primitive barbarians’ and ‘savages’.”

It’s this part of the ruling which has seen Prendergast condemned as a racist enemy of Māori.

“It becomes a judge’s societal view of race. It’s Prendergast and Richmond saying there is a hierarchy of civilisations, that Māori are down near the bottom and their society didn’t have the ability or the sophistication to enter into a treaty,” says Grant.

Surprisingly, newspapers of the time hardly mention the Wi Parata verdict. Instead, they reported breathlessly on the personal feud between Prendergast and Parata’s lawyer, an Irishman called George Barton.

That feud erupted a year after the Wi Parata decision when Prendergast held Barton in contempt of court and sentenced him to a month in prison. Barton responded by running for parliament while still in jail and won. He was elected as an MP for Wellington.

Wiremu Te Kākākura Parata, who took the case in which Prendergast declared the Treaty a “simple nullity”. (Alexander Turnbull Library Reference: 1/1-020616-G)

But while the saga of Prendergast vs. Barton has been mostly forgotten today, his reputation as a racist, ‘legal villain’ has stuck with him for the Wi Parata ruling.

Grant Morris says that reputation is deserved in part, but argues the significance of Prendergast’s role in disenfranchising Māori is sometimes exaggerated.

“Prendergast was one person in a group of people who were ‘settling’ New Zealand and in many ways, they saw Māori as being in the way. From that sense, you can understand the anger at someone like Prendergast but to have all of it directed at [him] is out of proportion,” Grant says.

“Certainly from our perspective today he is a racist, and for some at the time he would have been seen like that as well. [But] a lot of views he had at the time were widely held.”

Listen to the full Black Sheep podcast to hear about Prendergast’s role in authorising the invasion of Parihaka, his near-death experience on the Australian gold fields and whether he authorised war-crimes while serving as Attorney General.


The Society section is sponsored by AUT. As a contemporary university we’re focused on providing exceptional learning experiences, developing impactful research and forging strong industry partnerships. Start your university journey with us today.