Image: Getty/Archi Banal
Image: Getty/Archi Banal

SocietyJune 26, 2023

Australia is spending hundreds of millions to persuade New Zealand teachers to move

Image: Getty/Archi Banal
Image: Getty/Archi Banal

As the PPTA continues negotiating for a new pay deal for high school teachers and Victoria University of Wellington proposes cutting its secondary teaching qualification, some teachers are choosing to cross the ditch – and finding many compelling financial incentives. 

“I found it so difficult to get a job in New Zealand,” says Anna*, a primary teacher who now lives in Melbourne. After graduating in 2021 she spent a year relieving but couldn’t find a permanent job, just fixed term, part-time contracts. In Australia, though, it was easy. “I was offered a permanent job in the interview. They’re desperate for teachers.”

Anna isn’t the only one. In the last 12 months, The Spinoff understands that several hundred New Zealand teachers have moved to the Australian state of Victoria. They’re the human face of the Victorian government’s $779m AUD budget commitment to recruit an extra 1900 teachers; another $204m AUD was in this year’s budget to attract and retain teaching talent. That money has gone to an extensive advertising campaign, including targetted ads on social media and podcasts, and to financial incentives, including up to $10,000 of relocation support and $50,000 of potential bonuses.

For Anna, it was an obvious choice. “As a beginning teacher in New Zealand, the salary base is $56,000,” she says. “In Australia, I’m getting $75,000. That’s a really attractive pull to be here, and I just wanted to not be relieving.” She finds it difficult to imagine how teachers on starting salaries in New Zealand manage to get by long-term.

Drawn by higher wages and better conditions, teacher Anna now calls Melbourne home. (Photo: Getty Images)

Australia has an acute teaching shortage, especially of early childhood teachers and teachers in fast-growing areas – like Melbourne’s western suburbs, where Anna works. “The Victorian government is providing record investment to support schools and the early childhood sector with teacher recruitment,” said a Victorian department of education spokesperson in an email. Population growth as well as initiatives that increase the number of hours children can be in kindergarten for free has exacerbated the pre-existing shortage.

The enormous investment in recruitment – which The Spinoff understands is targeting teachers in the UK, South Africa, Canada and Ireland in addition to Aotearoa – is a way to fill the shortage, and Australia’s generally higher wages certainly help.

But teacher shortages go far beyond Australia’s borders. “It’s a global problem,” says NZEI Te Riu Roa president Mark Potter. In leading the union that represents early childhood and primary teachers, Potter has seen how teachers are under pressure around the world. “We run the risk of countries cannibalising each other’s teachers to make up the shortfall,” he says.

According to New Zealand’s Ministry of Education modelling, New Zealand’s teaching supply overall was adequate at the start of 2023. In English medium schools, there are enough primary teachers; in secondary schools, there are broadly enough teachers, but for some subjects (especially STEM) and in some regions of the country, there is still a shortage.

That said, long term modelling suggests there may be a shortage in 2025, and the retention rate has been dropping since 2021 as it returns to pre-pandemic levels. “It would be usual for some teachers to leave New Zealand to live or work overseas in any given year. Given our borders were closed during the pandemic, we can assume that there were people waiting to experience travel and work overseas,” says Jolanda Meijer, general manager of education workforce at the Ministry of Education. “This needs to be balanced with the increased number of people moving to New Zealand with great skills to teach.”

Part of the reason New Zealand doesn’t have a teaching shortage is that, like Australia, we rely on teachers from overseas. The Ministry of Education confirmed to The Spinoff that in the year to May 18 2023, 843 teachers from overseas have arrived in New Zealand, and 1,844 visas have been confirmed, including for teachers who haven’t arrived yet. Teaching is on the green list, making it easier to get a New Zealand visa, and schools and kura can apply for a finders fee to help meet their overseas recruiting costs.

The industrial action that secondary school teachers are currently engaged in (primary teachers reached a collective deal earlier this year) is indicative of the wider strain on teachers, Potter says. “We need to pay to stay relevant.” But while collective agreements are important, they can’t address all of the other demands on teacher’s time, he notes. “How many kids do you have in each classroom? How much money do you add for a child with disabilities?”

An empty classroom, desks and chairs, weird late afternoon light.
New Zealand has ‘one of the highest demands on teacher’s time around the world’. (Photo: Getty Images)

There’s also a question of time pressures. “We need teachers to have resources of time,” Potter says. “More time to prepare and plan makes a big difference to what they can achieve in a week – we have one of the highest demands on teacher’s time around the world.”

Anna has seen some of the differences in expectation in moving to Melbourne. In New Zealand, full-time first year teachers are given one whole day a week to plan and prepare. In her school in Melbourne, she gets five hours of preparation time a week, but feels like she has strong support systems. “I have a mentor teacher and a coach – I can ask questions whenever, wherever, about whatever, and I will get help.”

Given some of the pressures in the New Zealand teaching sector Potter isn’t surprised that other countries want to recruit New Zealand teachers. “We can see Victoria reaching in to get teachers. Trained teachers from English-speaking countries are the gold standard, and New Zealand teachers are heavily in demand.”

When she initially moved to Melbourne, Anna imagined staying for only a year or two. Now she’s not so sure. “I do see myself teaching in New Zealand eventually but the money draws me here more for now,” she says.

Staffing shortages “can’t be solved by pinching each other’s teachers”, Potter says. Addressing the structural issues of pay and workload should be a priority. “We’d like to have a long term plan in place that will develop the workforce we need… not be political footballs every three years.”

The current system may not be sustainable – especially if teachers trained in New Zealand keep thinking their best option is to move overseas, Potter says. “Teachers love what they do, they just don’t love what is happening around them right now.”

Keep going!
Wagner Group mercenaries sit on top of a tank in Rostov-on-Don on June 24, 2023 (Photo: Roman ROMOKHOV / AFP via Getty Images)
Wagner Group mercenaries sit on top of a tank in Rostov-on-Don on June 24, 2023 (Photo: Roman ROMOKHOV / AFP via Getty Images)

SocietyJune 26, 2023

What does the Wagner mutiny mean for Putin’s regime – and how will he retaliate?

Wagner Group mercenaries sit on top of a tank in Rostov-on-Don on June 24, 2023 (Photo: Roman ROMOKHOV / AFP via Getty Images)
Wagner Group mercenaries sit on top of a tank in Rostov-on-Don on June 24, 2023 (Photo: Roman ROMOKHOV / AFP via Getty Images)

Vladimir Putin’s authority remains intact for now, but the mutiny has put the most significant dent in the Russian leader’s power in 23 years of rule. Peter Bale explains what it all means, and what could happen next.

Beware of Vladimir Putin when he is pushed into a corner and has to reassert his prestige and the sense of dread he has held over rivals, lieutenants and foreign governments for more than 20 years.

The extraordinary mutiny by mercenaries loyal to oligarch Yevgeny Prigozhin, a former close confidant of the Russian president known as “Putin’s chef” who heads the Wagner Group private army, is far from a coup – though over-eager commentators have called it that. It could lead to a coup but there is no sign yet that anyone is in the wings with a serious chance or intent to topple Putin.

However, it is absolutely the most significant dent in Putin’s authority in his entire rule and we should be fearful of how a cynical and embattled leader may react. 

“President Putin is facing the most serious challenge of his 23 years in power,” historian Mark Galeotti wrote in The Sunday Times (paywalled). “Even if the immediate crisis may be defused thanks to the intervention of Belarusian president Lukashenko, the damage is done. When history records his downfall, it will say the endgame began here.”

Putin has a history of dramatic and deadly actions to cement his control, from the apartment bombings that may have paved the way for him to take power and led to the second Chechen War, to the Beslan school massacre, and the mysterious Moscow theatre siege. In each case his tactics showed he is prepared to sacrifice many others to bolster his position.

Given he faces what he has called a traitorous mutiny and a “stab in the back” in the middle of a war against Ukraine and what he has twisted into a war waged against Russia by the west, we have to fear his response may be to lash out, distract, and reclaim the upper hand.

Wagner Group head Yevgeny Prigozhin leaving the military headquarters he seized in Rostov-on-Don on June 24 (Photo: Stringer/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

Ukraine appears to have taken the initiative amid the chaos created by the mutiny along parts of the long eastern border with Russian-occupied Ukrainian provinces. 

It has to be significant that the Wagner Group mercenaries run by Prigozhin were easily able to take control of a primary Russian command centre in the city of Rostov-on-Don. They have withdrawn now apparently under an agreement supposedly brokered between Putin and Prigozhin by Belarus’s president Alexander Lukashenko.

Under the purported agreement, Prigozhin will move to Belarus, his men can apply to join the Russian conventional forces, and no one will face retribution. Yeah, right.

The mutiny has blown up just as Ukraine appeared to be making only limited progress against Russian lines and in the same week Russia confirmed that intercontinental ballistic missiles moved recently to Belarusian territory were ready for operations.

Prigozhin launched his operation after months of increasingly bitter attacks on the Russian military establishment for their conduct of the war against Ukraine and their alleged lack of supplies and even attacks on Wagner units. Now the attempted mutiny clouds the entire picture of the invasion of Ukraine, the risks of western support for Kyiv, and the future of Putin himself.

Russian secret police raided Wagner offices in Moscow and St Petersburg (supposedly finding $38 million in cash), while authorities closed museums and shopping centres in the Russian capital, and built roadblocks and trenches against a thin convoy of Wagner mercenaries heading towards the city from Rostov 1,000km away.

In a televised address, Putin condemned the ‘traitorous mutiny’ (Photo: Artem Priakhin/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)

For once, the Ukraine war came to the streets of Moscow in a way that couldn’t be hidden from the public, though this time it was Russian soldiers of fortune posing the threat. Putin compared the mutiny to the 1917 collapse of Russian forces against Germany in the first world war, which historians will point out led to the communist takeover and the establishment of the Soviet Union. Ukraine may have brought the war to Moscow with the pinpricks of drone attacks, but this is a much greater disruption to the life of Muscovites and to the authority of Putin.

“Is Putin facing his Czar Nicholas II moment,” asked a subheadline over an analysis in The Atlantic (paywalled), by historian Anne Applebaum, who went on: “In a slow, unfocused sort of way, Russia is sliding into what can only be described as a civil war.”

In the febrile climate created by the Wagner mutiny and the war in Ukraine, conspiracy theorists and genuine experts went into overdrive with ideas – from the mutiny being organised by Putin to justify a crackdown on the military, or on Wagner, or that Prigozhin really was standing up to Putin and genuinely angry at the loss of Wagner troops in a conflict he has repeatedly said is badly run and suppled by corrupt Russian military top brass.

Phillips Payson O’Brien, a strategic studies academic at St Andrews University, wrote in The Atlantic (paywalled) that he believed it was a pre-planned move by Prigozhin, whose Wagner mercenaries have a long history in Syria and Africa before joining the Ukraine campaign. “What we’ve witnessed over the past 24 hours has every appearance not of a spontaneous mutiny but of an extremely well-planned attempt to manipulate President Vladimir Putin and even threaten his rule,” he wrote.

Galeotti, in The Sunday Times, concluded: “The three pillars on which Putin’s regime rest are his personal legitimacy, his control of the security apparatus, and his capacity to throw money at intractable problems. The money is dwindling, his already-decaying legitimacy is going to take a further hit, and the unity and loyalty of the security apparatus is clearly now open to question. Putin seems likely to defuse or defeat this specific challenge, but will still take what may in the long term prove to be a mortal wound.”

Recommended reading and ways to keep on top of this story

In Moscow’s Shadows is the podcast and blog of historian and academic Mark Galeotti, who offers sober analysis and insights into the emerging players around the Kremlin.

Wagner chief’s 24 hours of chaos in Russia, by the BBC Moscow correspondent Steve Rosenberg, who offers calm and experienced analysis, is a good read.

The Guardian live blog on the Ukraine invasion is a generally solid way to stay on top of fast-unfolding events.

BBC World Service Newshour is always a useful update but a special on Sunday hosted by Lyse Doucet was particularly insightful, especially an interview with New York-based historian – and yes, great-granddaughter of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev – Nina Khrushcheva.

For more international coverage like this, sign up to the The Spinoff Members and receive The Bulletin World Weekly, Peter Bale’s round-up of the biggest stories in world news, in your inbox every Thursday.