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Lake Taupō (Photo: Waikato Regional Council)
Lake Taupō (Photo: Waikato Regional Council)

ĀteaAugust 6, 2020

Finally, a council has transferred responsibilities to iwi for the first time under the RMA

Lake Taupō (Photo: Waikato Regional Council)
Lake Taupō (Photo: Waikato Regional Council)

Ngāti Tūwharetoa has just become the first iwi to be approved under the Resource Management Act to take over certain council duties. Here’s why that matters.

In 1991, the Resource Management Act (RMA) allowed councils to transfer any of their functions to local iwi. Now, almost 30 years after that act was passed, the first example of this transfer has now occurred between the Waikato Regional Council and Ngāti Tūwharetoa.

After two years of planning, the Tūwharetoa Māori Trust Board last week was granted the responsibility of monitoring water quality around Lake Taupō. CEO Shane Heremaia says it’s a small step in the right direction towards greater shared power between local government and iwi. 

“This is an important step in realising that relationship and hopefully it means that going forward there will be further opportunities to receive even greater benefits for Ngāti Tūwharetoa and for everyone in this region.”

The first use of Section 33 has been a long time coming, and now that the Waikato Regional Council has supported Section 33, Heremaia hopes other councils will start to give iwi these opportunities too. 

“I think certainly there has always been a lot of will on the part of iwi to be more involved in affairs that are affecting us and our environment,” he says. “Iwi around the country in the last 30 years have been very keen to see this sort of work happening.”

Neville Williams, community services director at the Waikato Regional Council, says the 30 year delay can at least partly be blamed on the transfer process, which he admits is very complicated.

“Many iwi are just so busy trying to address the multitude of issues that are on the table right now and build their capabilities for urgent, emergency issues, let alone having the capacity to undertake the planning and the implementation of something as complex as a Section 33 transfer.”

Under the transfer, the Tūwharetoa Māori Trust Board will be taking responsibilities from September, including testing popular swimming beaches in the summer, monthly testing of rivers flowing into Lake Taupō and biannual groundwater monitoring at two local schools.

Shane Heremaia (Photo: Supplied)

When the council opened public submissions on the transfer, Heremaia was prepared for the inevitable negativity. While he says there were a number of “discriminatory” comments, the amount of support was overwhelming. 

“Not only in Tūwharetoa, but from outside, all around the country from a wide cross-section of society. So that shows there is a lot of goodwill to see councils devolving some of these functions to iwi and working together more effectively.”

Williams says the process to weed out the valid public concerns from those more hatefully motivated was strict. But the process does highlight a concerning section of New Zealand society that seems committed to stifling Māori leadership.

“I’ve always recognised that underbelly is quite strong in our culture, unfortunately, and I think anything that looks like Māori might be getting something that people think they might not be entitled to, they get quite vocal about it.”

In this case, the council’s responsibility was to ensure that Ngāti Tūwharetoa had the capabilities and training to carry out the job required, and Williams says there were a lot of belts and braces wrapped around the process to ensure this was the case. 

The council will still be funding the costs associated with the transferred water quality monitoring functions, and administer training for the processes involved in the testing. For Williams, this is a step towards a relationship between iwi and council that goes further than just the statutory requirements.

“Now when we consider all of those discretionary opportunities we can move into a space of trust based on success and mutually beneficial opportunities. We can move into a space that’s quite exciting, that’s within scope of our control and that complements the aspirations of Tūwharetoa and all the people who have a relationship with their area of interest,” says Williams.

Already, councils from other parts of the country have been in touch to organise meetings with Williams and discuss their own opportunities within Section 33. It’s encouraging, he says, to be leading the change towards better partnerships with mutually beneficial outcomes for all New Zealanders. 

“I hope that other iwi and councils genuinely consider the opportunity and I’m hopeful that we are successful in what we’re endeavouring here and that New Zealanders as a whole see this as a natural way of doing business.”

Heremaia thinks the transfer makes sense for Ngāti Tūwharetoa, presenting an opportunity to expand the knowledge it has of its own waters as well as strengthening its council relationships. 

“We’re here and we have the ability. We’ve been living here for a very long time and Ngāti Tūwharetoa is very connected to our waterways. While it’s quite a small step – it’s just collecting water samples and sending them off – it is an acknowledgement also that there are some functions of the council that may well be more appropriately situated within the iwi and when that’s the case, it should happen.”

Keep going!
Wellington protesters at a rally in July 2019 against Oranga Tamariki’s removal of Māori children from whānau (Photo: RNZ/Ana Tovey)
Wellington protesters at a rally in July 2019 against Oranga Tamariki’s removal of Māori children from whānau (Photo: RNZ/Ana Tovey)

ĀteaAugust 4, 2020

Oranga Tamariki, the Waitangi Tribunal and the importance of stories

Wellington protesters at a rally in July 2019 against Oranga Tamariki’s removal of Māori children from whānau (Photo: RNZ/Ana Tovey)
Wellington protesters at a rally in July 2019 against Oranga Tamariki’s removal of Māori children from whānau (Photo: RNZ/Ana Tovey)

The Waitangi Tribunal inquiry into Oranga Tamariki kicked off in Wellington last week, while at the same time the agency released new data showing that perhaps it is doing better for Māori than many perceive. But do the numbers tell the full story?

The first two days of the Waitangi Tribunal urgent inquiry into Oranga Tamariki took place last week. The contextual hearings now under way at the tribunal represent the latest milestone in the ongoing inquiries into Oranga Tamariki, following widespread protest from Māori in 2019. Over the next few months, the tribunal will consider whether the actions of Oranga Tamariki constitute a breach of Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

Witnesses gave evidence about the actions of Oranga Tamariki in both its present and past forms. Children’s commissioner Andrew Becroft spoke about the discriminatory treatment of Māori mothers highlighted by his organisation’s recent review of Oranga Tamariki. Tania Williams Blyth, a family lawyer and researcher widely respected throughout Māoridom, spoke to the enormous challenges faced by whānau Māori who have been through care and protection proceedings in the family court. Kahurangi Iritana Kawhiwhirangi spoke of the significant power imbalance that exists between Māori and the state. For those present at the hearings, the mood was heavy.

Just as the hearings were getting under way, Oranga Tamariki publicly released two reports discussing the disproportionate number of Māori in contact with the agency. The first report found that while tamariki Māori are indeed over-represented, the disproportionality reduces when other factors are accounted for (the report labels these “other socioeconomic and parent/child characteristics”). The second report found that while the overall numbers of tamariki Māori in state care remain high, the number of entries into care over the past 12 months has decreased. Both of these findings seem positive at first glance, but do the numbers provided by Oranga Tamariki tell the full story?

The statistics regarding entries into care were questioned by Len Cook, former government chief statistician, in his evidence to the tribunal. Cook stated that while the average rate of Māori children coming into care halved between 2001 and 2019, the length tamariki Māori were held in care increased by two and half times during that period. In other words, children may be coming in to care less frequently, but they are staying in care longer. Cook questioned the robustness of the data provided by Oranga Tamariki. He also stated that the release of such data would not achieve the underlying purpose of public accountability while broader questions about the perceived legitimacy of the agency went unanswered.

But even if the numbers provided by Oranga Tamariki painted an accurate picture, are they all that matters? If we ignore Len Cook’s criticism for a moment and take the numbers at face value, would we be satisfied? Or do we need to understand the individual stories of people in contact with the system to truly understand what is happening?

Some of the stories shared by whānau in contact with Oranga Tamariki since the Hawke’s Bay case was publicised last year are horrific. They include one mother having her child removed just moments after giving birth and another mother being pressured into having an abortion by a social worker, who told her that having the child would put her at risk of having her other children removed. Those stories are from just one of the four reviews of Oranga Tamariki conducted over the past year, and they were echoed frequently throughout the tribunal hearing last week. While the numbers are undoubtedly important, those stories seem to me to be what matters most. It doesn’t matter how you count people if you treat them like they don’t count.

What about the statement by Oranga Tamariki that the overrepresentation of tamariki Māori can be explained by other factors? All that really tells us is that the children in contact with the child protection system are already facing other major challenges. The “other characteristics” highlighted in the report mentioned earlier include parental income, socioeconomic decile, parental involvement with the justice system, school disengagement and mental health provider contact. As a nation, are we satisfied with a child protection system that inflicts further harm on Māori children who are disproportionately likely to be poor, disproportionately likely to be struggling at school and disproportionately likely to be facing mental health challenges? As one of the claimants in the hearing last week put it, societal disadvantage compounds. Is that compounding disadvantage really an excuse for Oranga Tamariki, or should it be a source of shame?

At the risk of stating the obvious, there is an institution responsible for addressing those other problems. It’s called the government, and Oranga Tamariki is a part of it, not separate from it. Throughout the hearing last week, multiple witnesses stated that the whānau most likely to impacted by the failings of Oranga Tamariki are those who have been failed by multiple government departments over multiple generations. The fact that the most marginalised New Zealanders are the ones most consistently failed by the state can no longer be accepted as an excuse. What will Oranga Tamariki have to say about that? The hearings resume later this week, so we will soon find out.