Image: After The Apology
Image: After The Apology

ĀteaMarch 19, 2018

Sorry means you don’t do it again

Image: After The Apology
Image: After The Apology

Ōtaki’s Māoriland Film Festival, which kicks off this week, features a documentary about Australia’s apology for the Stolen Generations – and what’s happened since. Aaron Smale spoke to director Larissa Behrendt.

Larissa Behrendt’s father didn’t talk about it much. But one day he suddenly made an explicit reference to his time in a boys home. The revelation came after he’d been reading her novel Home, based on the horrific experiences of her grandmother and father’s generations.

“One night we’d been up having a drink before we went to bed, and he said, ‘you know those things you wrote about in the book, they actually happened.’ I still get chills when I think about it. It was the only time he ever admitted to me about the sexual abuse in the homes. But I suspected it because his younger brother who was in there with him suffered a lot of the usual signs of having been abused as a child, in terms of his inability to be able to adjust to life. So I suspected it had happened to my uncle. I never thought of it in relation to my father because my father never gave that away. It was only because I’d written about it somewhere else that he could almost, without admitting it, admit it. This was when he was in his mid-60s that he said that to me. It’s a long time to have never spoken about it.”

It was a brief glimpse into what had happened to her father and his family and the ongoing legacy of the Stolen Generations. Her grandmother had been taken as a child.

But as a personal narrative it was only a fragment. Behrendt (Eualeyai, Kamillaroi) never got to grasp the fuller picture of what happened to her father, as large swathes of his childhood were cloaked in silence.

Her father didn’t get a chance to see the broader picture of what happened to him either – he passed away before Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd apologised to indigenous Australians for the theft of their children and the impact it had on their communities.

Behrendt says the apology was a milestone in officially recognising what had happened to indigenous Australians. It helped many finally acknowledge the pain they had carried for so long. The apology also meant a great deal to many non-Aboriginal Australians who had come to believe that the country needed to reconcile with its past and its indigenous peoples.

“My father had passed by the time the apology was given and so had my grandmother (who was taken); they had passed away without ever hearing that. So he’d been through the Howard era where that history was being countered and dismissed.”

“I knew even as a child how much that policy had impacted on my family. The kids I went to school with – my brother and I were the only Aboriginal kids at our school – they didn’t know anything about that history. They were hugely unsympathetic to Aboriginal people and had incredibly racist views that had obviously come from their families. They were just kids.”

“For me the apology meant that that would change and other Aboriginal kids wouldn’t have to sit there and listen to such ignorance when it was such a big part of our family. I think whether you were personally affected or whether it was a family connection, it was profoundly liberating and important to hear that apology.”

But what has happened since the apology has challenged that hopeful moment.

Behrendt will be a guest at the Māoriland Film Festival in Ōtaki this coming week, where her documentary After the Apology examines what has happened since Australia officially apologised in 2008.

 

Writer, director and indigenous advocate Larissa Behrendt brings her documentary After The Apology to Māoriland Film Festival this week. Image: supplied

The film focuses on the fact that the taking of Aboriginal children has actually escalated since the apology, despite a promise to change law and policy to prevent another stolen generation. In 2007, just before the apology, there were 9,054 Aboriginal children in care. In 2016 it was 16,816.

An inquiry into the Stolen Generations led to the Bringing Them Home report in 1997. This was the basis for official recognition of the Stolen Generations but the Howard government resisted calls to make a formal apology, which had to wait another 11 years until the Labor government came to power.

Rudd’s apology repeatedly talked about turning a new page, starting a new chapter in the relationship between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians. He also talked about ensuring Aboriginal Australians were given the same economic and educational opportunities.

“The apology itself remains a really important moment for the country and for all the Aboriginal people who had been through that experience. To have that official apology was then and still is now an incredibly important moment for the nation. One of the very significant things about it was that while it meant so much to Aboriginal people, it was amazing for the Aboriginal community how many non-indigenous people marked the occasion.

“But I think now that the apology is such a significant national moment for many Australians, it frames the issue of child removal as a thing of the past, that it’s been put to bed. One of the reasons for the film was to show that this is a current issue. One of the first reactions people have to the film is, ‘oh my God, I had no idea this was happening. How can this still be happening, I thought this issue had been resolved.’ In a way, because it has become such an important historic commemoration or acknowledgement of the survival of Aboriginal people, it means that the contemporary issues have been overlooked.”

Image: After The Apology

She says implicit in the apology and the policy responses was a belief that economic uplift would prevent child uplift. However, the policy makers overlooked the importance of cultural identity and connection for indigenous people’s well-being.

“As policy frameworks have been developed there’s been no valuing of connections to indigenous culture, or the role of connection to culture plays in well-being indicator in a whole range of health and well-being research. All the research that shows that kids are healthier and happier in their own home.”

Policy makers also ignored the potential of wider family members to take in children who were in need of protection.

“We’ve got an Aboriginal placement principle in our legislation. But it’s not adhered to. Part of it is because of value judgements made by non-indigenous people about Aboriginal people.”

Looking at what has happened in Australia and North America with the removal of indigenous children, it’s impossible to ignore the parallels with New Zealand.

Behrendt has a familiarity with these links, and regularly catches up with kaupapa Māori academics Leonie Pihama (Te Ātiawa, Ngāti Māhanga, Ngā Māhanga ā Tairi) and Linda Tuhiwai Smith (Ngāti Awa, Ngāti Porou).

“Obviously when we made the film we were pretty focused on making this a conversation within the Australian context, but knowing that it might be of interest to start conversations amongst our Māori brothers and sisters, and in Canada as well. When you get into the nuts and bolts, the policies might be different, the legislation might be different, but it’s striking that at that broader level there are such similarities. The intergenerational effects of the policies is a universal thing for all our communities.”

While Australia is grappling with the issue in a post-apology landscape, New Zealand is only at the beginning of setting up a Royal Commission of Inquiry to look into what happened to wards of the state here. The Royal Commission’s current draft terms of reference aren’t specifically about what happened to Māori, even though Māori children were in the majority in state institutions.

Keeping her father’s experience in mind, Behrendt believes it is important to keep a deliberate focus on those who are not well represented or reluctant to talk.

“I look at my father and how he could survive life past his childhood in what appeared to be a more resilient way than his brother, when he was actually dealing with a great deal of unresolved trauma but he could never admit it.”

While he couldn’t admit it, Australia finally did. But the state apology was too late for him.

“For me that was quite a sadness on the day, it was bittersweet, knowing how much it would have meant to my father to have heard that apology.”

“When I did the film I went back and looked at the archives from the apology, the shots of the people in the crowd and on the parliament house lawn, the old fellas crying, silently weeping. The film has a lot of very hard, heartbreaking scenes. But I found that almost the most moving. Here were old men who carried so much pain their whole life; to see the release of that pain… I’m sure it wasn’t a complete healing, but I find talking about it incredibly moving. It’s one of those times where the image can explain so much better than words how much people carried within them. And how important an acknowledgement, just a simple acknowledgement can be for somebody who’s lived through that and carried that.”

The Māoriland Film Festival runs from 21 to 25 March

Read more from Aaron Smale on Australia, Canada and New Zealand’s Stolen Generations here.

Keep going!
Labour’s Willie Jackson and Nanaia Mahuta. Image: RNZ & Getty
Labour’s Willie Jackson and Nanaia Mahuta. Image: RNZ & Getty

ĀteaMarch 17, 2018

Labour to Iwi Chairs Forum: ‘Iwi leaders need to catch up with the new world’

Labour’s Willie Jackson and Nanaia Mahuta. Image: RNZ & Getty
Labour’s Willie Jackson and Nanaia Mahuta. Image: RNZ & Getty

After a fraught election, Labour’s Māori caucus is going head to head with the Iwi Chairs Forum.

The change of government has signaled a profound change in iwi relationships with the Crown. In the past 17 years, the corporate iwi model was the power ascendent at the Iwi Chairs Forum, and has proven to be the Crown’s preferred expression of the Treaty partnership. Signs are that is in for a shake up.

Prior to our Waitangi commemorations this year, shots were fired across the bow by both Labour and the Iwi Chairs Forum (ICF). The content of the actual ICF presentation to Ministers at Waitangi suggests that the ICF were the first to blink.

The election was a poor omen for the ICF relationship with Labour. The Kīngitanga-backed campaign of Rāhui Papa against Nanaia Mahuta saw key players with multiple roles in the Kīngitanga, the Māori Party and the ICF lined up against her: Rāhui Papa was her opponent, the māngai for our King and co-chair of the ICF Pou Tangata sub-committee; Willie Te Aho is on many trusts in Waikato Tainui, a Treaty negotiator and is an ICF forum advisor; Naida Glavish is a Māori Party stalwart (and past president) and co-chair of Pou Tangata; Tukuroirangi Morgan had his fingers in all of those pies.

So it is no surprise that soon after the confirmation of the Labour coalition government, Minister of Māori Development Nanaia Mahuta was gunning for the ICF. At their November 2017 meeting, she was blunt in her assessment of their efforts:

“I don’t think people in the room if they had their hand on heart would say to us that the way in which the forum has been operating has been entirely satisfactory.”

To say that publicly, to not then follow up in the media with any mollifying remarks and caveats is, in the world of tāngata whenua, very direct and challenging. We discuss and debate away from the public gaze; when we don’t it’s deliberate.

The ICF responded by asserting their influence. They wrote a letter about Labour’s policy to end charter schools and suggested they would use the avenues available to them, like the Waitangi Tribunal, to disrupt it.

Nanaia is not a brawler. After her whanaunga tried to unseat her and failed, Nanaia’s star has risen in Labour and in Māori circles. She has an enhanced mana about her these days.

But a brawler was needed. And it seems to me that Willie Jackson and Shane Jones were then released to show the Labour coalition’s teeth to the ICF.

Willie and his erstwhile companion John Tamihere have often been critical of the vice grip that iwi have on power and resources. It doesn’t seem to me that they have any particular objections to the money and influence that they wield, they just think that urban Māori should wield the same money and influence. They don’t like that the ICF act as gatekeepers.

So it was in keeping with his long held views when Willie declared the ICF didn’t speak for urban Māori in Auckland.

“They don’t represent my people, the vast majority of people who live in Auckland. The people I’ve represented through the years have been people in the city and many times iwi leadership has acted against their interests because we’ve seen so little coming back to people who live in the cities.”

The Māori Caucus in Labour are now large and influential. The Rātana visit and the week at Waitangi confirm to me that nothing happens between Labour and iwi and Māori that the Labour Māori Caucus have not helped plan, guide and/or lead.

There are two scenarios here.

One: Willie Jackson, without consultation or reference to others, made a very strident statement that offended the ICF members and leadership. Even though it was unplanned front page news, the Labour Party leadership decided to make no response, not even a “this does not reflect the views of the Labour Party.”

That’s possible. It might also be the first time a political party has just let an unplanned, potentially scandalous comment alone.

There’s a second scenario too: Willie was asked, or was given the go-ahead, to comment. Labour received the ICF letter on charter schools and understood that the ICF hadn’t got their head around the change in their fortunes. The subtext of Willie’s comments is that the Labour coalition government will not be led by the nose by the ICF and will give tāngata whenua voices like urban Māori greater influence because they get Labour’s priorities.

In this world of highly controlled political communication, I find the latter more likely. I’ve asked the Minister, but not received any comment one way or the other.

In case they missed the point, Forestry Minister Shane Jones then hit one of the ICF’s sacred cows in response to Willie Te Aho’s threats of Supreme Court action on water. He commented that their threats meant that “Halley’s comet would be back” before he would meet with the ICF.

And the ICF got the message. When they looked over their shoulder they saw that their only friends were Todd Muller and Bill English. So they changed the tone. No more bluster about a showdown at Waitangi. No more threats or letters.

Their presentation to the Labour goverment at Waitangi was a tangible demonstration of the shift in power.

National Ministers, often without prompting, were known to spend long periods with the group; one they considered the most powerful lobby in Aotearoa New Zealand.

At the completion of their presentation to Jacinda Ardern and her Ministers, the ICF prepared themselves to leave. After some quiet negotiations, some of the Māori ministers remained behind. But not the Prime Minister.

I have heard some suggestions from those close to iwi leaders that this was an example of Labour not understanding or not valuing tāngata whenua. That is naive. Labour are well advised by Māori MPs and staff; very little is unplanned.

If you look at the election results in the Māori electorates, in the general electorates with a large Māori population and in the party vote, it is apparent that Labour have found their feet again amongst Māori. They have rediscovered their voice to speak directly to tāngata whenua.

Unlike National, they don’t need the iwi leaders to speak to tāngata whenua in their communities throughout Aotearoa. Labour seems to believe that it has the mana and the capacity to speak for themselves on the political paepae.

It is iwi leaders who need to catch up with the new world. Iwi success in fisheries, forestry, farming and property haven’t changed the daily circumstances for most tāngata whenua.

Labour have seen clearly what iwi leaders have missed and it brought them into government. Watch the run up to the election in 2020: the fight to be the representative of Māori communities has only just begun. Whereas iwi business acumen opened doors before, it may be that iwi and Māori communities who show excellence in transforming the lives of their poorest that have the quick pass to the ninth floor now.

Ātea