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Image: Archi Banal
Image: Archi Banal

PoliticsFebruary 4, 2023

The communications machine broke down in the floods. How can we fix it?

Image: Archi Banal
Image: Archi Banal

A flailing mayor was only the public face of a multifaceted flooding communications failure. Duncan Greive examines the mess, and asks what can be done to improve it.

It’s a chilling timeline. Stuff’s Kelly Dennett catalogued, beat-by-beat, the 12 hours in which Auckland was pummelled by a catastrophic deluge, interspersing apocalyptic flooding events with moments of inexplicable communications failure. The technique is powerfully stark, putting the human impact – the chaos and tragedy across our transport systems and neighbourhoods – directly adjacent to the bizarre vacuum in communications from a large number of local and central government figures and agencies.

It was a terrifying night. An entire season’s worth of rain arrived in less than 24 hours, generating extraordinary scenes across the city. Homes collapsed, streets turned into rivers, buses floated away and bodies were discovered. Yet at the same time some of the most crucial parts of our communications infrastructure were only sporadically in motion, with others simply silent. Dennett’s account stops early on the morning of Saturday January 28 – but the record has hardly improved since. The communications machine belatedly whirred into life, but never has seemed on top of the situation. 

A mayor who had been cranky and absent became ubiquitous by his standards, but scarcely more effective, spending much of his energy remonstrating with the media or blame-shifting. Waka Kotahi gave only sporadic updates on the transport network. Civil Defence, MPI and DOC all have failed to give crucial or timely information about aspects of the flooding which impact their areas of responsibility, while the Ministry of Education has infuriated both educators and parents with its haphazard response. 

A flooded street in Epsom, Auckland, on Wednesday. (Photo: RNZ / Rayssa Almeida)

While there was some truth to Mayor Brown’s comment that “we need the rain to stop, that’s the main issue”, the communication breakdown was not without consequences. Clearer, better-distributed and more timely communication would have allowed people to move their belongings to higher ground. Cars could have been relocated away from flooding. Evacuations might have been earlier and less traumatic, and, most agonisingly, lives could have been saved. Roads could have been kept clearer for emergency services. Businesses might have been able to move plant to avoid it being wrecked by submersion.

The bill for the flooding won’t be known for months, but some part of it, with all the accompanying agony, was avoidable with better communication. A city battered by the rains and bruised by bearing the brunt of years of lockdowns deserved far better, especially given how central communications has been to our national self-image in recent years.

What happened to the comms juggernaut?

It’s a little over three years since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, during which New Zealand was globally admired for the way it had deployed clear and precise communication to overcome what was rated a very poor degree of preparedness for a major global pandemic. We will likely never forget the array of tools and how adroitly they were chosen – the 1pm press conferences, the yellow and white branding, the powerful phraseology: “Stay home. Save lives.” All constructed by a dedicated cross-functional team in a matter of days.

Over the coming months and years, inevitably that precision began to fray. Level 2.5, the traffic light system, and the shaky, shifting rules around masking and checking in. Still, compared to what we saw in other countries, New Zealand earned its reputation as a place which deployed communication tools remarkably well in the face of a crisis.

Prime minister Jacinda Ardern shares information on the Covid-19 pandemic on May 27, 2020. (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

Which is what makes our communication around the flooding so frustrating, and mystifying. Having been tested by terrorism and volcanic eruption even before the pandemic, and having shown that we know what world class crisis communication looks like, why did we botch it so badly this past week? And are there lessons in this failure which might leave us better prepared for future crises?

To be clear, none of this is uncomplicated, and there is a limit to the comparison between the flood and the pandemic as communications challenges. To state the most obvious difference, as fast as Covid-19 spread, the rain came faster. Likewise, the localised nature of the flooding meant that there were some jurisdictional issues – where the Covid-19 response was clearly a central government matter, with planning driven by the prime minister and her office, the floods were more complex. They straddled local and central government and multiple different agencies, with responsibility a little blurry. But fundamentally none of that is big enough to explain why so many different people and organisations froze and failed in the face of such clear need. Yes, it was the Friday of a local long weekend. No, that cannot excuse it.

Why it’s so much more complicated today

In prior eras, communication was in many ways far more simple. With very few instantaneous communication tools, you used what you had. Radio and television had primacy, along with huge audiences – people had little else to do with their attention. Now, the reverse is true – radio and television have smaller audiences than they have had in decades, and the digital audience is spread over millions of individually curated feeds and behaviour patterns. 

This is partly the unavoidable reality that lies behind the regular scandalised stories about the growth in public sector comms staff: we don’t live in a monoculture anymore, so reaching everyone takes a lot more work and planning. If our behaviours are far more complex, so are the media platforms. The radio, TV and newspaper triumvirate was simple and reliable in many respects – effective, but also unchanging. 

Back when TV – and TV newsreaders – had primacy, communicating in a crisis was a simpler affair.

Social platforms are very different. The interface and priorities are in constant motion, and highly specific. Twitter often demands you to log in to see a tweet now, greatly impacting its utility for those who aren’t users. TikTok doesn’t show a timestamp, making it difficult to figure out when an event shown actually happened. Facebook has gone from having huge free distribution for organisations to demanding an increasingly hefty price for a wide audience. Google prioritises advertisements at the top of many of its search pages, which can be manipulated by competitors and might be unclear to users. 

All these decisions are made for defensible reasons – for the platforms. There is nothing wrong with this; it’s precisely how private enterprise is meant to work. But as they evolve, so it becomes clear that our reliance on multinational platforms for our information architecture makes us highly vulnerable at a societal level. And because these changes happen constantly and with little public debate, what worked during your last crisis might be inoperable during the next. Equally, a new platform might have risen, like Tiktok or BeReal, with attendant attention share among particular communities, while media staffing often remains largely focused on other platforms.

Similarly, with search and social apps dominating digital advertising, there is a hollowing out of local news media. This severely stymies its ability to swiftly meet the demands of a world which appears to be generating ever more crises, both the complex and generational, and the sharp and shocking. While the government has announced plans to legislate to force Australia-style deals that will make tech giants pay for the news they use on their platforms, only a few have been signed so far, and at much smaller scale to those in Australia. Certainly not at a scale fit to allow for failsafe staffing to meet abrupt crises like the flooding in Auckland.

Even the tools we did have were hardly deployed

It creates a situation in which conveying crucial, timely and accurate information is far more difficult than it has ever been before. Yet the Covid response shows it can be done, and that should have been a wake-up call for all agencies to check that their systems were ready for the next disaster. To ensure that the system worked whether the person fronting it was Jacinda Ardern or Wayne Brown, to put it bluntly.

We saw on Friday just how far from that we currently are. The potential and real severity of the storm was not well conveyed in advance by either of our publicly-funded weather monitoring agencies. For all the difficulties of reliance on social platforms, even far more basic and reliable systems were not utilised well. Auckland Emergency Management slowly creaked into action with a trio of emails issued well after the city succumbed to inundation, later even than the very belated cancellation of Friday’s Elton John concert. 

But the most powerful tool in the state’s modern communication arsenal are emergency alerts delivered to all cellphones. There is no doubt that these should have been deployed on Friday, and might have saved lives and property had they been. Yet the first emergency alerts to the city’s cellphones came on the evening of Sunday 29, more than 48 hours after the flooding peaked. Despite the passage of time it still read like it had been written in a rush. The mystifying question mark in the middle of one sentence seemed to sum up much of the response from official channels throughout.

Sunday’s Auckland Emergency Management alert featured a stray question mark that seemed to say so much.

As The Spinoff’s Charlotte Muru-Lanning noted in an incendiary edition of her The Boil Up newsletter, “it was marae, iwi, community organisations, charities, schools, the CAB (to which our mayor proposes we cut funding), neighbours, friends and whānau who led the way when it came to responding to people’s needs and communicating vital information.” She noted that along with the well-canvassed and partially avoidable damage to property, there were many other flow-on impacts from the information void. She checked in on her local Domino’s on Friday and found it buckling, with a four-and-a-half hour wait for pizza and furious patrons – exactly the kind of needless strain on people, businesses and transport that might easily have been avoided with better communications.

Even well after the worst of the flooding had subsided, basic errors were still being made. One exasperated principal told me a story about the chaotic week involving school closures. The Ministry of Education had spent 90 minutes liaising with hundreds of school principals about post-summer holidays reopening, adamant that it would go ahead as scheduled. Within minutes of the call ending, Stuff reported that reopening would be delayed by a week. Some time later the ministry found time to communicate this to schools, with an email saying that “schools and kura can open or remain open for onsite instruction but need to provide distance learning” – a logistical impossibility. The school closures themselves would be partially reversed days later. 

It all amounts to a situation in which we have more comms staff in more places than ever, but somehow this week have still been completely adrift. An inquiry has been announced, which should bring some clarity to how this long train of failure was set in motion. This is vital, sure, but maybe it needs to ask bigger questions too: how do we know basic but vital information in an emergency and who is in charge when fast-paced situations demand leadership, decisive action and adroit deployment of all available communication channels. Until we figure that out, future disasters will be needlessly exacerbated, and the towering communications industrial complex will struggle to justify its existence when we need it most.

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Green Party co-leader and climate change minister James Shaw. (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)
Green Party co-leader and climate change minister James Shaw. (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

PoliticsFebruary 2, 2023

James Shaw exits Wellington Central race, backs Tamatha Paul as Green candidate

Green Party co-leader and climate change minister James Shaw. (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)
Green Party co-leader and climate change minister James Shaw. (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

The Green Party co-leader joins Grant Robertson and Nicola Willis in opting not to contest the seat.

Just six days after five-term Wellington Central MP and finance minister Grant Robertson announced he would not be contesting the Wellington Central seat and would go list-only at this year’s election, James Shaw has followed suit. Despite the high likelihood he would have been the most recognisable contender, the Green co-leader and minister of climate change, who has run in the electorate since 2011, has announced he will be running for a list place only, and nominated Wellington City Councillor Tamatha Paul to take his place as the party’s constituency candidate. “Sometimes you just need to check your ego and make way for a new generation of political leadership,” he said. 

The departure of Shaw, who says he intends to remain as Green co-leader, will mean a slew of new candidates in the urban-liberal-inclined electorate. Nicola Willis, the National deputy leader and finance spokesperson who stood for the party in Wellington Central in the last two elections, has opted to run in Ōhāriu instead, and was in November selected as the party’s candidate for the suburban Wellington electorate.

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When Robertson announced he would not seek selection for the seat last week, Shaw paid tribute and said, “I intend to put myself forward for selection as the Green Party’s candidate for Wellington Central.”

What has changed in the days since? “Two things have changed,” Shaw told The Spinoff today. “First of all I’ve had time to weigh the pros and cons in terms of my ability to serve the electorate well while still co-leader and minister of climate change after the election. The second thing is that Tamatha Paul said she would be willing to put forward her name, and I consider her one of the most talented politicians of her generation. I think she can win it and I think she would be a great representative for Wellington Central.”

Wellington councillor Tamatha Paul. (Image: Archi Banal)

A high-profile contest famous for hosting New Zealand’s best political documentary and a traditional water-pistol-themed candidate debate in the Aro Valley, Wellington Central has returned some of the Greens’ healthiest party votes in recent times. It remains a Labour stronghold as far as constituency members are concerned, however, with the last 40 years seeing all but one (Labour minister turned Act leader Richard Prebble in 1996) election won by a Labour candidate.

Tamatha Paul was re-elected comfortably for a second term as a councillor for the Pukehīnau/Lambton ward last year, winning more than 2.5 times the first preference votes of the next most popular candidate. 

Shaw’s approach was entirely unexpected, said Paul. “I don’t want to be an MP for the sake of being an MP. I want to amplify and advocate and represent our city to the fullest,” the 26-year-old said in a statement. “When I stood for council last year, I was expecting the worst. I prepared for a term of resisting regressive politics that would conspire to unravel all of our hard work. But our city chose progress. We elected our first wahine Māori mayor, alongside an incredible team of councillors. I’ve never been prouder of our community.”

Wellington had an “opportunity to be the Greenest capital in the world,” she said. “And I’m a big believer in perfect timing.”

Despite speculation from National MP Chris Bishop that he had been "shafted by the Greens yet again", Shaw stressed the decision was wholly his. Nor was it prompted by a projection of a change of government, he said, echoing Ardern's recent words: "To borrow a recent phrase, I am not standing aside because I think we can’t win it, but because I think we can." The call was made “with some regret, but no doubt”, and the circumstances were right for Paul. “Wellington Central has been the Greens’ highest polling seat for decades. With Grant Robertson standing aside as the local MP, it will be an open race with no incumbent,” he said in a statement. “We showed in 2020 we could win electorates with the massive grassroots mobilisation Auckland Central. In 2023 we can win Wellington Central too.”

Grant Robertson, Nicola Willis and James Shaw at the Aro Valley debate in 2017. Photo: Danyl Mclauchlan

Shaw, who was ejected as Green co-leader last year only to be re-elected by an overwhelming margin, said he intended to remain as co-leader, and would campaign across the country for the party vote. As climate change minister, he said, “I have a very full and very urgent work programme. And I am working to ensure that this election gives me and the Greens a stronger hand to lead the next government’s programme of climate action, protecting nature, and ending inequality.”

He said: “The people of Wellington Central need a member of parliament who can focus 100% on their needs … While our local party branch hasn’t yet confirmed Tamatha’s selection, I firmly believe Tamatha has what it takes to run a huge, energised campaign. Her experience on the city council means she is in touch with our communities and knows how to get things done.”

Last Friday, in an announcement that was to some extent lost in the floods that engulfed Auckland, Grant Robertson announced that following Jacinda Ardern’s resignation and his own decision not to seek to succeed her as prime minister he would not be seeking the Labour nomination in the seat. 

“Being Minister of Finance is a huge job, and does often draw you away from electorate responsibilities. I am particularly conscious of that now as the country enters a challenging economic period. Those challenges are likely to last for some time. Post-election I want to continue as minister of finance, and devote myself to that role, without feeling I am not giving my full attention to the people of Wellington Central,” he said.

He added: “I know that this decision will come as a shock to some of you. I am sorry for doing that, but I really believe that this is the right decision for me, for the party and for Wellington Central. I have absolutely no doubt that there will be a number of people interested in the Labour nomination, and that we will select a terrific candidate.”

Sitting MP Julie Anne Genter has been selected as Green candidate for Rongotai, another Wellington electorate where the party sniffs a chance of repeating the feat of Chlöe Swarbrick, who defied predictions to win Auckland Central in 2020. 

Paul will not seek a place on the party list. Official selection by the Greens for Wellington Central is expected on February 16. A National Party spokesperson said nominations for the Wellington Central candidacy would open in the next few weeks, while a Labour Party spokesperson said its selection timetable would be confirmed in the coming days.


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