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Edmund Hillary and Kate Sheppard gaze out the Reserve Bank building windows. Photographer: Mark Coote/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Edmund Hillary and Kate Sheppard gaze out the Reserve Bank building windows. Photographer: Mark Coote/Bloomberg via Getty Images

OPINIONPoliticsMarch 6, 2025

Bernard Hickey: After Orr’s shock exit, these are the stakes for the NZ economy 

Edmund Hillary and Kate Sheppard gaze out the Reserve Bank building windows. Photographer: Mark Coote/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Edmund Hillary and Kate Sheppard gaze out the Reserve Bank building windows. Photographer: Mark Coote/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Could the next Reserve Bank governor unleash a new mortgage war?

This article was first published in Bernard Hickey’s newsletter The Kākā.

Adrian Orr appeared to surprise everyone early yesterday afternoon by announcing his immediate resignation as Reserve Bank governor, just two years into his second five-year term. The still unexplained reason for the departure has added to the mystery and shock, although the financial market reaction was much more muted. 

In any other country where a decidedly independent central bank governor who was often at odds with his finance minister resigned without reason, there would have been market chaos. Perhaps the institutional and constitutional buffers between and around the bank and government were enough to reassure traders and investors, or perhaps the current weakness of the US dollar in the wake of Donald Trump’s latest tariff shocks was enough to calm the farm. 

Orr didn’t include a reason for his resignation in his statement. Willis said she wouldn’t say, and left it to RBNZ chair Neil Quigley to give more detail in a hastily arranged and unusual 5pm news conference. Quigley, in turn, was also frustratingly non-specific about the reason, or reasons, other than to say Orr felt “it was time”. 

Adrian Orr in governor mode (Photo: Getty Images)

Quigley did suggest there had been tension between the bank and the government in recent weeks over its 2025 budget round funding proposal, which others have reported was for an increase at odds with the government’s expectations. But the chair didn’t confirm suggestions that either the latest funding debates were the trigger or some sort of straw that broke the camel’s back, or there had been some sort of performance or behaviour dispute. 

Whatever the case, Orr is now gone and using up his leave before the formal end of his employment. His deputy, Christian Hawkesby, is now the acting governor until March 31, from when the government will have up to nine months to appoint a permanent replacement for the next five years. 

Orr under fire

The public became aware of the current government’s antipathy to Orr in late 2022 when then opposition finance spokesperson Nicola Willis wrote a letter to then finance minister Grant Robertson to protest at the reappointment of Orr to a second five-year term without consulting with the opposition in the leadup to the 2023 election. ACT leader David Seymour had been even more critical of Orr’s operation of monetary policy and bank regulation.

But unhappiness had been swirling around the banking system well before the Reserve Bank’s actions during Covid. Orr led a dramatic increase in capital requirements for the banks from 2018 to 2020, arguing they should have enough to cope with a one-in-200 year financial crisis, rather than the global standard of one-in-100 years. The banks pushed back hard, saying it would force them to hold more of their own expensive capital in reserve in a way that increased costs for customers, and would make it harder for new entrants to compete.

The banks were also less-than enthused about the central bank’s proposals, now enacted from July 1 last year, for limits on debt-to-income multiples (DTIs). They were designed to act as a guardrail to limit future lending to rental property investors as interest rates fell. Mortgage brokers now report the DTI limits are kicking in and frustrating rental property investors wanting to buy more properties. 

The economy’s very slow recovery from its per-capita recession through 2023 and 2024 under the weight of high mortgage rates is becoming equally frustrating for the government. What it needs now is the usual surge of mortgage lending to fire up the economy through the wealth effect and cash surges from a jump in house sales volumes and prices, but the DTIs are frustrating that, as is a lack of competitive tension between the banks.

‘Show us the competition’

Willis also wants more competition in banking to force banks to pass on more of the benefits of lower interest rates to mortgage borrowers and businesses. She and others have argued the Reserve Bank’s increased regulatory and capital requirement zeal has thrown a blanket over those competitive urges.

A replacement for Orr who loosens the capital requirements and lowers the DTI limits would create the conditions for another 2003-to-2007-style mortgage lending boom, fueled by the BNZ’s “Unbeatable” campaign to “beat” any competitor’s two-year fixed mortgage rate. There was also a fresh surge of competition through 2011 and 2012 as ANZ under then-CEO David Hisco fought to increase ANZ’s market share in Auckland as it ramped up for the merger of its ANZ and National brands.

It was only the introduction of loan-to-value ratio (LVR) controls in 2013 by then governor Graeme Wheeler that put a dampener on the housing market again, before ever-lower interest rates in the lead-up to Covid helped accelerate things again. Orr’s Covid-era decisions to print money to lower longer-term interest rates, to lend very cheaply to banks so they could in turn lend cheaply to home buyers, and to remove the LVR controls in 2020 lit the blue touch paper on the housing market and the economy through late 2020 and 2021.

The blue touch paper is ready again. It just needs a new governor with the “right” approach to getting our housing-market-with-bits-tacked-on economy “back on track”.

The only question is how fast the match can be struck.


Follow Bernard Hickey’s When the Facts Change on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or your favourite podcast provider.

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An older man stands with an intense expression, surrounded by headlines about media criticism, data misuse, political donations, and organizational scrutiny. Red lines radiate from his head, indicating tension or stress.
John Tamihere. (Image: Supplied, additional design: The Spinoff)

OPINIONĀteaMarch 6, 2025

Dear John, we can’t always blame racism

An older man stands with an intense expression, surrounded by headlines about media criticism, data misuse, political donations, and organizational scrutiny. Red lines radiate from his head, indicating tension or stress.
John Tamihere. (Image: Supplied, additional design: The Spinoff)

John Tamihere, Waipareira Trust and Te Pāti Māori have faced scrutiny over financial dealings and political entanglements – but dismissing all criticism as racism risks damaging the credibility of kaupapa Māori governance.

Tamihere appears to be a staunch believer in the sporting adage that the best defence is a good offence. The Pāti Māori president and Te Whānau o Waipareira chief executive has been on a crusade in recent months, calling out pretty much anybody even slightly critical of him or organisations he is involved with as “racist”.

“Anyone that has got a gripe in their ugly little lives – their marriages aren’t going good, finances aren’t going good – [they] blame the horis,” Tamihere said on a radio interview earlier this week. “It’s a cathartic event for non-Māori in terms of taking it out on us to blame us for all their woes in the world.”

Being criticised for receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in interest-free loans from a charitable trust to sponsor your own political aspirations? Racist. An inquiry being launched into Manurewa Marae and the potential misuse of census data by Te Pāti Māori? Racist. Giving other potential Whānau Ora commissioning agencies a chance to pitch for funding? Racist. Te Pāti Māori being told to file a financial statement, as required under law and already done by every other political party? Racist.

Like many Māori, I have had my fair share of racist experiences in Aotearoa. I’m sure John Tamihere has too. I have no doubt that racism remains deeply entrenched, both systemically and in specific instances, throughout Aotearoa. I know Manurewa Marae, Te Pāti Māori and Te Whānau o Waipareira do incredible work in the communities they serve. I am sure these organisations and the people involved with them have been subjected to racist attacks on several occasions – you don’t need to look far to see examples of it. However, what I do reject is the idea that every single time a Māori person in a position of power, or a Māori organisation open to public scrutiny has its integrity questioned, those questions are motivated by racism.

I’m involved in governance, chairing my whānau trust and an incorporated society for my hapū. We might not have tens of millions in assets and cash reserves like Waipareira Trust, but we do still have legal obligations and requirements. I know this, our trustees and committee members know this, and John Tamihere knows this. I’ve received reminders and warnings about filing financial statements – it’s nothing novel, nor is it anything to do with my race.

At the core of this issue is accountability. In any democratic system, public institutions and charities – especially those entrusted with millions in funding – must be transparent and open to scrutiny. This isn’t about singling out Waipareira or Te Pāti Māori unfairly. Many Māori-led organisations navigate complex funding landscapes, often facing systemic barriers that mainstream charities do not. However, that does not exempt them from upholding high standards of governance.

‘He mea tautoko nā ngā mema atawhai. Supported by our generous members.’
Liam Rātana
— Ātea editor

Tamihere’s approach risks undermining the very cause he claims to serve. When every critique is framed as an attack on Māori, it can weaken the ability to call out real and harmful racism when it occurs. Even worse, it can erode public trust in kaupapa Māori institutions and provide an easy excuse for those who already doubt their legitimacy.

The case of Waipareira Trust’s pending deregistration underscores why accountability matters. After a four-year battle with Charities Services, the trust was reportedly facing deregistration late last year amid allegations of mismanagement, conflicts of interest and political activity inconsistent with its charitable status. Its financial dealings – including over $385,000 in interest-free loans to Tamihere for his political campaigns – highlight blurred lines between governance and personal ambition. The recent near-doubling of executive salaries – making Waipareira’s leadership the highest-paid charity executives in Aotearoa – raises further questions about financial stewardship. 

Adding to this, an inquiry into data protection further pointed out the risks of inadequate oversight. The Public Service Commission found that government agencies, including Stats NZ and the Ministry of Health, failed to implement necessary safeguards in their agreements with Te Pou Matakana, Waipareira Trust and Manurewa Marae. The lack of proper data security controls and conflict of interest protections created an environment where personal information collected for the census and Covid-19 vaccinations could potentially be misused. These matters have been referred by the public service commissioner to the Office of the Privacy Commissioner, but the agency failures identified in the report, especially when set against the background of Tamihere’s crusade to have access to information, reinforce the case for stronger accountability measures. New government contracts with these entities have been temporarily suspended until proper safeguards are established.

This is not just about Waipareira, though. Charities must be politically neutral, ensuring public funds and taxpayer benefits serve the public good, not partisan ambitions. However, Waipareira’s financial support for Te Pāti Māori – including hosting campaign events and providing logistical support – has repeatedly raised red flags. These actions blur the necessary boundary between charitable work and political engagement, which is a risk not just for Waipareira but for the integrity of kaupapa Māori governance as a whole.

At the same time, it is easy to see why Tamihere is critical of the system in which he operates. There are a raft of broader systemic challenges Māori organisations face. Many kaupapa Māori charities and service providers work in a system that has historically excluded them from equitable access to funding. There is an ongoing struggle for Māori-led organisations to receive the same level of support as their mainstream counterparts. However, the solution cannot be to sidestep accountability. In fact, strengthening financial transparency and governance would only reinforce the case for greater funding and self-determination for Māori-led organisations.

Where do we go from here? The future of kaupapa Māori governance depends on robust accountability structures that reflect Māori values while also ensuring transparency. Strong independent governance, clear financial policies and a commitment to political neutrality will protect organisations like Waipareira from accusations of misconduct and safeguard their ability to serve our communities effectively. At a time when Māori sovereignty and equity remain under threat, we cannot afford to let internal mismanagement erode the very foundations of tino rangatiratanga.

Tamihere has built his career on being a fighter, a man unafraid to speak his mind, a political maestro who takes no prisoners. This combative energy has served him well in many instances. But not every battle requires a patu. Sometimes, leadership means listening instead of lashing out. While we should never remain bystanders in the face of racism, it takes strength, too, to accept the need for accountability and scrutiny.

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