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PoliticsSeptember 4, 2020

The memeing of life: An interview with digital campaign whizzes Sean Topham and Ben Guerin

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They’ve received acclaim and opprobrium for digital media campaigns for everyone from NZ’s National Party to the Australian Liberals and Boris Johnson’s Brexiteering Tories. Topham Guerin worked, too, for the NZ government Covid response. But, New Zealand’s international digital campaign wunderkinds tell Henry Oliver, their agency’s future is not political.

In these politically polarised times, many of us tend to see the people we agree with as human — well-meaning but fallible — and those we don’t as either dumb dupes or evil geniuses. Donald Trump, as an obvious example, is to detractors either a mentally compromised buffoon creating domestic and global policy on a whim, or a strategic genius, whose supposed gaffes are really just one more move in a game of chaos theory 4D chess. Closer to home and on the other side of the spectrum, Jacinda Ardern’s antagonists critique either a shallow celebrity whose only real skill is garnering the attention of international press, or the head of a conspiracy to get a teenage socialist into the highest office in the land and turn our great nation into a retro-Soviet hellhole.

As far as #nzpol Twitter is concerned, there are few political actors who hold such shadowy renown as Topham Guerin, the digital communications and creative agency founded and run by New Zealanders Sean Topham, 29, and Ben Guerin, 25. In the last year and a half, Topham Guerin has built its reputation working on Scott Morrison and the Liberal Party’s improbable victory in Australia and Boris Johnson and the Conservative’s decisive victory in the UK. 

Working for Johnson’s campaign director Isaac Levido (a former protege of the infamous Sir Lynton Crosby), Topham Guerin helped turn the election into an impromptu second Brexit referendum where the only two options were Brexit or more arguing — “dither and delay”, as the campaign repeated over and over” — about Brexit. Admirers of Topham Guerin’s work might point to its video of Johnson parodying a scene from the plays-on-BBC-every-Christman British classic Love Actually. It is social media fodder for middle-aged centrists, playing off a particularly British nostalgia for the Blair years, portraying Johnson as an everyday Brit who just doesn’t want you to have to think about Brexit any more. It’s incredibly well-made and resourceful, shot quickly on an iPhone to take up as little of the leader’s time as possible and to get into the algorithmic churn almost immediately.

But those who see Topham Guerin as part of a new, more toxic political landscape, accelerated by the social media platforms where they do their best work, are likely to point elsewhere. During a leaders debate, Topham Guerin changed the name of a Conservative Party Twitter account to “factcheckUK”, which (with a blue check next to its name) attacked Jeremy Corbyn and Labour at every opportunity. While the account’s bio did read “fact checking Labour from CCHQ” (the Conservative Campaign Headquarters), few reading the widely shared Tweets would have read the disclaimer. After a non-partisan political fact checking service complained, Twitter issued a terse statement: “Any further attempts to mislead people by editing verified profile information – in a manner seen during the UK Election Debate — will result in decisive corrective action.”

Call it the dark arts of campaigning, mischief or disinformation, such tactics have seen some lump Topham Guerin in with more technically deceptive operators such as the disgraced and deceased Cambridge Analytica. It’s made the young firm a Candyman figure to many on the left – shorthand for a certain kind of digital dirty politics. But while the effectiveness of the work speaks for itself, I’ve always wondered – are the two young men behind this seemingly out-of-nowhere success story really the evil genius ideologues they sometimes get painted as? Or are they merely pragmatic, savvy operators that go where the money is, and it just so happens the money tends to be found most readily on the pro-car, low-tax, big business side of the crude political divide?

On a Zoom call with Topham and Guerin from their London homes, the pair best known for their political work quickly make it clear they’re not in a mood to talk politics. Up against both the clock and the restraints of video conferencing with two people in different rooms on the other side of the world, the conversation tends to come to a halt just about every time it tilts towards the firm’s brushes with controversy. Like the most disciplined of the politicians they help communicate with their voting public, they find a way to lead almost any question towards something broad, safely wrapped in the corporate comms jargon of “spaces”, “synergies” and “strategies”. When asked a question that can’t be led astray, Topham simply raises his arms to his laptop camera as if to physically block it.

Sean Topham in Wellington. Photo: supplied

And yet Topham is warm, funny and charming. Everyone I’ve spoken to who has met him says they liked him immediately, including those who recoil at his client list (in addition to the centre-right parties, Topham Guerin has worked on the Taxpayers’ Union opposition to the capital gains tax and has reportedly been a subcontractor of Crosby’s CTF Partners, a lobbying whose clients include almost satirically villainous causes like pro-coal and anti-cycling). Guerin is sharp and analytical, moving at pace between discussing intricate matters of contemporary marketing, the regulation of social media (I’d incorrectly assumed he’d be against it) to wider societal issues in the digital age. 

While laughing at the mere mention of their previous membership of the Young Nats (Topham was its president from 2012 to 2015 and considered by some to be an almost-inevitable future prime minister in the John Key mould), they insist that Topham Guerin is not a political consultancy but a young agency that is agnostic when it comes to the sector. They talk a little like defence attorneys, whose job it is to pursue any legal tactic to get the best outcome for their client, whoever that is and whatever they’re accused of by the opposition. “The agency is not political,” says Topham. “We work for our clients and deliver the best possible work that we can. We’ve obviously had particular clients in that [conservative] space and that’s par for the course. Some people will suggest there’s some narrative there, but I don’t think that’s accurate.”

In little over four years, the pair have gone from building websites for family friends’ businesses to working on some of the most high-profile election campaigns in the world while also having their work on ovarian cancer awareness on the biggest billboard in Times Square. In the last year, they’ve grown from a team of 11 to over 30 with offices in Auckland, London and Sydney. “The whole thing’s been quite crazy,” Topham says. “Four years ago it was just two guys and a couple of Macbooks back in Auckland.” 

Topham and Geirin both grew up very online, building websites and teaching themselves the tools of the trade. Ben made posters for school events on pirated Adobe software. One of their first clients together was for a call centre. Then a kiwi sanctuary and a hairdresser. They see those beginnings, working as a small one-stop-shop rather than as minions at large agencies, as laying the foundation of what’s made them especially successful in digital environments where speed is more important than perfection. “When you’re used to doing it all yourself, you build up a culture where you just get shit done,” Guerin says. “Our team is used to making stuff happen. Whether it’s quickly editing a video or making a graphic, we’re excited to do the work we’re doing and can do it quickly and at a really high standard and come up with really bold, creative ideas.”

The nature of digital campaigning is largely unrecognisable from the previous orthodoxy, he says.

“In the 80s and 90s, you’d have a campaign of a really memorable TV ad or a poster – a couple of big set pieces of creative that would stand out. What we describe these days is instead of having a big bonfire in a campaign, you have lots of little fires, lots of little messages that all support broader narrative but have a range of different creative approaches, a range of different styles, and that’s what social does really well. If we have lots of content all saying the same thing, in lots of different ways that appeals to different people.”

One of the tactics that Topham Guerin has become especially known for are “shitposts” – a meme of obvious and usually ironic bad quality to troll its reader. During the UK election, Topham Guerin made a series of shitposts around the Conservative’s core message, “Get Brexit Done”. The most famous example was a Tweet with “MPs must come together to get Brexit done” in Comic Sans, which, of course, went semi-viral with people all around the world falling for its obvious trap: the algorithms don’t care if you’re share something disapprovingly, you’re still amplifying the message.

But many weren’t so obvious. Rather than the cliched badness of Comic Sans, many were just slightly off or slightly shitty or almost accidentally hip – things that wouldn’t have been questioned if your cousin’s cover band made it, but caught the eye when a major political party did, especially a conservative one. “The internet determines what is a shitpost now,” says Topham of the blurry line between the aesthetic designed to make Baby Boomers feel nostalgic and comfortable, and graphic-design-is-my-passion trolling. “We’ve had to pick up the pieces of some graphic designers from time-to-time who have not intended to make a shit post”.

Topham learned about the power of the meme firsthand when, working on the University of Auckland’s Law Review in 2014, he helped make the now-infamous Patty Gower “This is the fucking news” video. “That’s where I caught the bug on meme content,” Topham says of the video that still circulates and is still mistaken for an actual outtake from the nightly news.

But, other than a flair for virality, Topham Guerin’s work is increasingly difficult to pigeonhole, aesthetically and politically. Only a couple of months after its rumoured association with Simon Bridges-era National, Sean Topham returned to New Zealand to work on the government’s Covid response, working with various agencies and departments. “They really understood the importance of a really good communications campaign for responding to coronavirus,” says Topham. “They know that it would take in multiple layers of comms, of not just primary channels with the ‘Stay home, save lives’ message, but right across the board to reach audiences on social media.”

The work for the government included creating content that could be shared and published by non-political New Zealand favourites like Rachel Hunter and Dan Carter. “There’s been some questioning of the $16 million [the government] spent on comms during that period but I think that’s part of the reason why New Zealand’s in the position that it’s in,” says Topham, who spent his birthday in Covid response headquarters in Wellington where the police organised him a single slice of cake because no one could share food. “That investment is a fence at the top of the cliff rather than, literally, ambulances at the bottom, which is far more expensive at scale.”

“It was a real privilege to be able to work with Jacinda Ardern on the New Zealand response,” Guerin continues. “It’s really hard to imagine a more important project in New Zealand at the time. Obviously, we’ve got a bit of experience in helping messages get understood on the internet and the opportunity to be able to put those skills to use on such a forum, that’s above politics.”

Unsurprisingly, the firm’s next big job was back in the UK, working once again for Boris Johnson and the Conservative government on its Covid response. The UK government had handled its communications poorly in the early weeks of the pandemic, seemingly changing course frequently, going back and forth about whether or not it was backing a herd immunity strategy. As it did during the election campaign, Topham Guerin focused communications on repetition of key messaging, like “Enjoy summer safely”, a campaign in which the government collaborated with some of the world’s biggest brands to drive a message of hygiene and social distancing.

Topham Guerin’s appointment has attracted plenty of criticism, especially in The Guardian, which characterised the Covid contract as a dodgy backroom deal that didn’t go through the usual, pre-Covid, tender process. There was barely a mention, however, of the fact that Topham Guerin had not only worked on New Zealand’s acclaimed Covid communications, but had done so in collaboration with one of the publication’s most-praised world leaders. “It was a bit of a kick in the guts that they didn’t mention New Zealand’s world class Covid response,” says Topham. “One government is run by a Conservative prime minister and one by a Labour prime minister, we aren’t big on distinguishing those — we’re not a political firm, we’re a creative and digital agency.”

So, if Topham Guerin isn’t ideologically driven, if the National to Liberal to Conservative trajectory is just a young company taking the best next opportunity in their sights, would Topham Guerin work for anyone? Would they, let’s say, work for Trump’s reelection campaign?

Immediately but with a smile, Topham puts his arms into an X in front of his laptop camera. “I don’t think so,” he says. It’s unclear whether he’s answering the question or declining to. “If nothing else, I don’t think they’d want foreigners running their election comms,” Guerin adds, laughing. 

Topham says the group of mostly young people at the agency are in a lucky enough position to decide whether potential clients are people they want to work with. And, in today’s political climate, where any association with a perceived enemy makes you an enemy, and calls for boycotts rattle through social media, the world’s biggest and most prestigious brands are more careful than ever about who they will and won’t work with. Working for Boris Johnson might get you lucrative opportunities to work for other even more divisive, ideologically driven clients, but it probably won’t lead to Nike getting in touch about its new Serena William or Lebron James campaigns. Would Apple want to risk its aspirational shine being corroded by a link to any genre of the “dark arts”.

“You can’t make shitposts forever,” Topham says. “There’s got to be the next thing, something new on the horizon.”

Rainbow election -9

PoliticsSeptember 3, 2020

Rainbow Election 2020 highlights LGBTQI+ issues – and a lack of policy

Rainbow election -9

Just because few parties have released LGBTQI+ policies doesn’t mean the rainbow community won’t hold them to account. A new policy tool highlights the rainbow policies that matter this year, and which parties support them.

“For Queer people, politics is personal – we neither have the luxury nor privilege to keep our lives outside politics.”

– Shaneel Lal, co-founder of End Conversion Therapy NZ

If you take a look at Policy NZ’s overview of New Zealand’s political parties, you’ll find that only two have so far released policies directed at the rainbow community: the New Conservatives want to require transgender students to use bathrooms based on their assigned gender at birth, while the Greens want to ban conversion therapy. But when it comes to National, NZ First, the Māori Party, The Opportunities Party, Act, and Labour their slots remain glaringly empty. 

According to the Human Rights Commission’s PRISM report released this year sexually diverse, gender diverse and sex characteristic diverse people continue to experience stigma, prejudice and discrimination in New Zealand, including in their workplaces. Mental health issues and suicide rates also remain disproportionately high in our rainbow community. 

So how are members of the rainbow community, their friends, whānau and allies expected to make informed political decisions? It’s a community that’s often felt disenfranchised and misrepresented by politics, and there’s just not a lot of research on rainbow community engagement within these spaces.

Frustrated by the lack of discussion of rainbow policies leading up to the 2020 elections, university student Jess Dellabarca and recent graduate Noor* have launched Rainbow Election 2020, a policy tool designed to highlight some of the most pressing issues faced by New Zealand’s LGBTQI+ community.

The Spinoff: How did the two of you get started on Rainbow Election 2020? 

Dellabarca: Noor and I are part of Rainbow Law, a student club at the University of Auckland. Projects like this are the reason I went into law school. I think lots of people go into law school wanting to do human rights, wanting to fix everything … and then they graduate and do a corporate job. So it feels really worthwhile to be able to use those skills for a community project. 

What groups are you hoping to engage with through this tool?

Noor: It’s a two-tiered approach. We’ve noticed a rise in rhetoric of “we gave the gays marriage, what else do they want?”. The website is for the general public to understand the issues that continue to affect the rainbow community and find ways they can help such as lobbying local MPs. 

But we also want to highlight these issues to politicians and those in power and say: “Hey! This is something you can actively work on. We are literally giving you solutions and suggestions in collaboration with other organisations that have the expertise and lived in experiences”.

This is a wake-up call to politicians. We want them to go, “oh crap we should do something about it”. So far, only two political parties have released their policies on the rainbow community. 

We’re a month and a bit away from the elections. What’s been happening in terms of policy for the rainbow community?

Noor: It’s been quiet, it’s been slow. We’ve still got the pandemic going on in the background. But even though we’ve been in a state of emergency, we really want to get the conversation going.

Jess and I attended a Rainbow Youth event with a panel of politicians speaking on rainbow issues. Only some of them said that they’d even thought about it and [explained] what they’d advocate for on rainbow issues. The other half were there to listen and learn from the rainbow community. While we would’ve hoped for something more substantial, we appreciated that they recognised the limits on their experience and took the time to listen.  

Originally we wanted our tool to look like [something that shows how] Labour supports this, National supports this. But from looking online at the policy documents on their websites and contacting the parties, it just wasn’t something that’s on the radar for them. At the moment, there’s just not enough drive and commitment for the rainbow community in this upcoming election. 

Dellabarca: We’ve sent out so many emails. Apparently Labour is coming out with a policy soon, but they said this to us a month ago. The Greens replied, and while NZ First and the Māori Party acknowledged they received our emails, it hasn’t gone up the funnel. There hasn’t been any substantial action from any political parties we’ve been in contact with. 

What are the policies and issues you want to highlight with the new Rainbow Election 2020 tool?

Noor: We’ve got 15 policy issues in total and they’re set up in four categories: legal, health, education and community. And within those, there are three we’d really like to see a focus on: banning conversion therapy, gender-affirming healthcare and improving accessibility of mental health services for the rainbow community.

Image from Rainbow Election

What’s an issue that not a lot of people are aware of?

Dellabarca: Medical intervention of intersex babies. Intersex community issues are often ignored, even in the rainbow community. But we know that invasive medical procedures are performed on intersex babies in the first few years of their life. Of course, they’re unable to consent and parents are also not given enough resources to make an informed decision for their kids. Overseas and New Zealand research shows that this procedure is really harmful, invasive, it isn’t medically necessary, and there are often difficult and awful long term consequences from it. 

There’s a lack of information, statistics, and research on the rainbow community in general. Is this something that has affected your research?

Noor: A lot of the data including how many people identify as LGBTQI+ in New Zealand is quite outdated. If we look at overseas studies, the population is increasingly more open to fluidity in their sexuality and gender. In the US, only 48% of Generation Z identify as strictly heterosexual, compared to 65% of millenials. However there has been no study conducted in NZ. So even if it’s a relatively small population right now, it’s only going to increase. It’s important to protect these communities now so in the future we aren’t shooting ourselves in the foot. 

In terms of statistics, it’s really limiting. It is about recognising that the community is very diverse, so for example when it comes to homelessness experienced by the rainbow people, the barriers faced by some who are takatāpui would be different compared to someone who isn’t. 

Image: Rainbow Election

Which rainbow organisations have you collaborated with? As you mentioned, New Zealand’s queer community is a very diverse one. So how do you determine the best solution for these issues? 

Dellabarca: We made a very considered effort to collaborate with as many organisations as it was possible. We want as many different people that fit under the rainbow to be represented. There are 13 organisations [including Inside Out, Gender Minorities Aotearoa, and Te Ngākau Kahukura] that we worked with to make sure policies fit the diversity.

At multiple stages throughout the process, we’ve gotten in contact with individuals and organisations to make sure, for example, that we’re using the correct language to best represent that community. We also want everyone to better understand why these policies matter and why people should be voting for the rainbow community, even if they themselves aren’t part of it.

What do you hope changes from this policy tool? 

Noor: Ideally we’d want cross-party recognition of rainbow issues. Our bottom line is that we want public awareness across the board on the number of issues there are still affecting the rainbow community. And hopefully, this will be a wake-up call to political parties that they need to implement some policies. That can’t say it’s not just not a big deal because we’re not that large of a voting block

Anything else to add? 

Dellabarca:  It’s been incredible seeing the community response from this tool. We crowdfunded the launch of the website and we reached our target so quickly. The response from the rainbow community has been so positive and everyone we’ve spoken to have agreed that there is a gap in rainbow-specific policies. 

Explore Rainbow Election 2020 here

*Name changed for privacy 

Where to get help:

Rainbow Youth: (09) 376 4155

OUTLine: 0800 688 5463

Youthline: 0800 376 633 (24/7) or free text 234 (8am-12am), or email talk@youthline.co.nz