Melissa Derby, Paul Goldsmith and Stephen Rainbow
Melissa Derby, Paul Goldsmith and Stephen Rainbow

PoliticsOctober 14, 2024

Controversial human rights commissioners weren’t recommended by hiring panel

Melissa Derby, Paul Goldsmith and Stephen Rainbow
Melissa Derby, Paul Goldsmith and Stephen Rainbow

Exclusive: New leadership hires at the Human Rights Commission were contrary to recommendations made by the independent panel tasked with leading the process, documents released under the Official Information Act reveal.

On a quiet Friday afternoon in August, justice minister Paul Goldsmith announced the appointment of three leadership roles at the Human Rights Commission: Stephen Rainbow as chief human rights commissioner, Gail Pacheco as equal employment opportunities commissioner and Melissa Derby as race relations commissioner. The three are scheduled to take up their new roles next month. 

Human rights commissioner appointments have historically been uncontroversial, even if the commissioners themselves sometimes court controversy in the role. But the appointments of Rainbow and Derby in particular sparked questions of process and intent, largely surrounding Rainbow’s vocal support of Israel and both Rainbow and Derby’s history of anti-trans views

As the minister who oversaw their appointments, Goldsmith defended his decisions at the time, telling RNZ, “People express all sorts of views before they take up these roles, but I have every confidence that he will go about his work in a very open and inclusive way.”

But documents released under OIA to The Spinoff last week suggest the recruitment process wasn’t straightforward, with neither Rainbow nor Derby being put forward as shortlisted candidates by the independent panel tasked with conducting the “transparent process”.

The search for three new commissioners

In seeking to fill the race relations commissioner role left vacant by Meng Foon (who resigned in July 2023 after failing to disclose receiving emergency housing grants), an email was sent by the Ministry of Justice to “approximately 100” community organisations and individuals in September 2023 seeking “suitable candidates” for the position. Expressions of interest were open until November 3.

In total, there were 10 expressions of interest, which the ministry considered below average (there were 41 applications when the role was previously advertised in 2018). In a briefing to the minister of justice, Goldsmith, in December, the ministry’s chief legal counsel Jeff Orr outlined the hiring process, including the “strong expectation” to appoint an independent assessment panel of “three or four” people to recommend a shortlist of candidates, interview them, and recommend appointments to the minister.

“While the final decision on who to recommend for appointment will be yours,” wrote Orr, “the panel will have a significant influence on the selection process.” 

As for the panellists themselves, Orr pointed to the need for “expertise in both subject matter and governance on the panel”, and Māori representation. He recommends a number of people, two of whom are Sir Terence Arnold and Paul Rishworth KC. “I note the Iwi Chair Forum has expressed interest in being involved in the selection process… the Ministry sees this as a strong option.”

Paul Goldsmith (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

At the same time, Orr noted that sitting chief human rights commissioner Paul Hunt’s five-year term would end in early 2024 and that Hunt was interested in reappointment if Goldsmith chose to. Goldsmith opted to re-advertise the role.

Due to the small number of applicants for the race relations commissioner role and the soon-to-be vacant roles of the equal employment opportunities (EEO) commissioner and chief human rights commissioner, it was suggested by Orr that the three roles be re-advertised and recruited together and that Goldsmith invite nominations from government caucuses.

Those invitations were sent from Goldsmith’s office to the three coalition parties later that month. A deadline of January 19 (for external expressions of interest) and February 7 (for coalition party nominations) was given.

The independent panel and the shortlists

In February 2024, following the deadline for expressions of interest, the Ministry of Justice briefed the four members of the assessment panel. The panel was made up of:

  • Sir Terence Arnold (chair)
  • Hon Chris Finlayson KC
  • Paul Rishworth KC
  • Lorraine Toki (Iwi Chairs Forum rep)

“The panel’s first job will be to confirm the shortlists for the three positions,” read the briefing. 

On March 6, the shortlists for all three positions were presented to Goldsmith via a briefing from the Ministry of Justice. The shortlists were whittled down from all expressions of interest, which remained low in number despite the re-advertising.

  • Chief commissioner (12 expressions of interest)
  • EEO commissioner (9)
  • Race relations commissioner (18)

The panel recommended three candidates for EEO commissioner. Two unsuccessful candidates’ names are redacted in the documents released and the third candidate named is Dr Gail Pacheco, who would eventually be offered the position.

The panel recommended five candidates each for chief commissioner and race relations commissioner. All 10 names have been redacted, suggesting none of the panel’s shortlisted candidates got the job.

In a summary of all applicants for the chief commissioner role, five (redacted) candidates are shortlisted and Rainbow is listed as an “alternative candidate” alongside the other six remaining applicants.

Derby is not included in the shortlist for race relations commissioner or in the summary of applicants as it appears her application was received after the formal interviewing process took place. 

The interviews and recommendations

Interviews conducted by the assessment panel took place on March 20 and 21, with 11 interviews total. Despite not being included in the panel’s recommended shortlist, Rainbow was one of five candidates interviewed for the role of chief commissioner. 

Following two days of interviews, the ministry presented the panel’s assessments and recommendations to Goldsmith for the three roles on March 26. The panel rated each of the candidates interviewed as either “highly appointable”, “appointable” or “not recommended”. The ratings for the 11 candidates are redacted in the documents but in a yet-to-be-answered written question to Goldsmith from Labour’s justice spokesperson Duncan Webb, Webb alleges that the assessment panel had graded Rainbow as “not recommended”, meaning he was not considered viable for the role of chief commissioner.

Update: The Spinoff has viewed documents with fewer redactions that show Rainbow was specifically noted as “not recommended” by the panel following his interview. Pacheco was listed as “highly appointable”. Two of the candidates for race relations commissioner (neither of whom were Derby as she was not initially interviewed) were graded as “highly appointable” by the panel.

The late entry

In June, three months later, the Ministry of Justice again briefed the minister on the latest developments, and requested guidance on who he wished to recommend for each of the three roles. Much of the briefing is redacted but the simplest item on the agenda is the recommended appointment of Gail Pacheco as EEO commissioner. Pacheco was on the panel’s shortlist, was interviewed, was assumed to be recommended for appointment by the panel and then endorsed by Goldsmith for the role.

Confirming the other two positions proved more complicated.

It was noted that “feedback” was given by Goldsmith on the panel’s recommended candidates (the names of which remain redacted), particularly the chief commissioner role. While some of the notes are redacted, it stated that Goldsmith pointed out “the need for the candidate to have broad support within parliamentary circles” as well as a “concern that the appointee must be an able communicator”. 

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The letter referred Goldsmith back to the panel’s report on Rainbow. “In regard to these key concerns, you may wish to review the panel’s assessment of Dr Stephen Rainbow,” the briefing reads. The relevant details from the assessment follows, but all of this text is redacted under the OIA provision that applies where the “release of the information at issue would inhibit the future exchange of free and frank opinions that are necessary for the effective conduct of public affairs”.

The panel report “makes the point strongly” that the chief commissioner role “may be more naturally suited to a lawyer,” says the letter, “but that is not a requirement of the legislation”.

As for the race relations commissioner role, who was recommended by the assessment panel back in March is not known, but the June briefing highlighted “an addendum to the report on appointments following the panel’s interview of Dr Melissa Derby”.

Derby’s absence from both the panel’s shortlist and recommendations report is explained: she was interviewed at Goldsmith’s request. “You asked for the panel to interview Dr Melissa Derby for the position of Race Relations Commissioner. Dr Derby was a late applicant who you agreed should be interviewed-”, with a further line of text redacted.

“Arrangements for this interview have been affected by difficulties in aligning the panel’s availability with Dr Derby’s availability,” the briefing continues. “This problem has been exacerbated by the fact-”. The remainder of the sentence is redacted.

The final appointments

The June briefing from the Ministry of Justice to Goldsmith lays out a number of action points for the minister to take. One is simple: “confirm that you wish to proceed with a recommendation for the appointment of Dr Gail Pacheco as the Equal Employment Opportunities Commissioner”.

For the role of chief commissioner, Goldsmith is offered three options:

  1. Appoint [redacted, therefore not Rainbow] as chief commissioner
  2. Recommend one of the other candidates from the panel report
  3. Re-advertise

For the role of race relations commissioner, there is no recommended candidate from the panel’s report for Goldsmith to accept or decline, suggesting that there were either no candidates marked “highly appointable” by the panel, or that Goldsmith was not satisfied with any of the recommended candidates. Instead, the action options are:

  1. Note the report from the panel, updated following Derby’s late interview
  2. indicate if you wish to recommend Ms Derby for appointment as Race Relations Commissioner

There were no further communications included in the OIA release from the ministry, but two months later, Pacheco, Rainbow and Derby were announced in the three commissioner roles. 

Many will wonder who the independent assessment panel had initially recommended ahead of Rainbow, and who was marked as “appointable” for the race relations commissioner role before it was suggested Derby be granted a late interview. 

In September, Labour’s Duncan Webb asked Goldsmith if Rainbow appeared on the shortlist of candidates provided by the ministry. Goldsmith’s response: “The ministry undertook an initial review of candidates for the chief commissioner role but did not recommend a shortlist.”

This is potentially a semantic answer, as the shortlist was recommended by the assessment panel, then briefed in by the ministry. The implication from Goldsmith that there was no shortlist is, however, false. 

Of the four members of the assessment panel, Arnold, Finlayson and Rishworth declined to comment to The Spinoff about the shortlisting process and the candidates put forward to the minister, or on the final appointments. Lorraine Toki could not be reached for comment.

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OPINIONKaiOctober 11, 2024

Smoking ads are banned in New Zealand. Why are junk food ads still allowed?

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With a health crisis driven by preventable illnesses, the government can take one big step now.

Last month the UK government banned junk food ads on TV before 9pm, while online ads for the same products have been banned outright. It’s the latest and most profound move in the UK to restrict unhealthy food and sugary drink marketing to kids that started with a 2019 ban on ads throughout London’s transport network.  

It’s a move designed to lift pressure from the public health system – the NHS – following a damning report concluding it was in a “critical condition”. Meanwhile in New Zealand there is no sign of government action to address exactly the same problem.

Our health system is very clearly struggling to cope with huge pressures – including preventable illnesses related to diets high in salt, fat and sugar. New Zealand kids are drowning in junk food and sugary drink marketing. They see it on their screens, at sporting events, in classrooms and in neighbourhoods where they hang out with friends. It’s virtually impossible for children and teenagers to limit their intake of junk food when high consumption has been normalised through a constant flow of advertising. 

Silhouette Of Man Smoking Cigarette And Watching Television In Dark
Cigarettes and alcohol have restrictions on advertising due to their adverse health effects. Why not junk food? (Getty Images)

Every parent who has ever been to the supermarket will be unsurprised by results from a recent Australian study showing marketing to kids directly results in children pestering their parents to purchase unhealthy food and fizzy drinks for them. Companies target kids because they understand that taste preferences and dietary patterns formed in childhood carry through into adulthood; “a satisfied customer today is a loyal customer tomorrow” as they say. These companies recognise the significant impact children’s dietary preferences have on overall household purchasing and adult eating choices too.

Growing up in the 90s I had a great love for after-school TV shows and to this day, old TV ad jingles bring back feelings of nostalgia… the milky bars are on me! The snacks I demanded for my lunchbox (nutrient-free and sugar-ladened favourites included Tiny Teddies, Roll Ups and Le Snaks) became household staples for Mum and Dad too. 

Fast forward to 2024 and harmful marketing on TV is even more entrenched, gamified and bolstered by sophisticated online marketing driven by algorithms and personal data.

The end result of all this is diets high in junk food and fizzy drinks which increase the risk of developing a variety of ill-health conditions including digestive issues, cardiovascular disease, diabetes, poor oral health and mental health problems. When one in 10 children in New Zealand are having teeth removed due to tooth decay and more children and young people are being diagnosed with Type 2 diabetes, it’s more important than ever to protect them from harmful advertising and support access to nutritious diets. 

Our health system is under extreme pressure with direct healthcare costs related to poor diets estimated at $2 billion per year.  If our government fails to act on junk food marketing, it is choosing to prioritise the profits of transnational corporations over people. Why should New Zealand taxpayers bear the cost of ill-health created by these commercial entities that face no restrictions on the marketing of products that cause such harm?

The government has laid out an apparent commitment to prevention in its Policy Statement on Health 2024-2027, stating it needs to be proactive in responding to preventable diseases by addressing modifiable risk factors including poor nutrition. Indeed, the word prevention is mentioned 45 times in the document. It’s great the government recognises the problem and the solutions needed – but without any action the words ring hollow. 

Health Coalition Aotearoa, along with health experts nationwide, have provided copious amounts of evidence that action to restrict junk food and sugary drink marketing to kids is needed now. Governments overseas are listening to the evidence and acting. Why aren’t we? New Zealand has no mandatory, enforceable regulations that prevent junk food and sugary drink companies from directly targeting children. And research I’ve led has shown repeatedly that voluntary, industry-led guidelines don’t work. The advertising codes we have right now are voluntary and toothless.  Even if companies promise to abide by them, no one is checking to make sure they do and there are no penalties if they don’t.

The UK example shows there are measures at our disposal, it just takes political will to put them in place. The New Zealand public wants to protect children from this marketing and the government says it’s committed to prevention – all that’s left is to do it.  

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