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SMART Objective or Goals Concept

PoliticsJuly 19, 2018

Why public sector target setting is such a minefield

SMART Objective or Goals Concept

In resetting targets for health, the challenge is to identify and articulate the underlying map, writes Paul Duignan

Will health targets end up on target? Imagine that you are talking to an Air Force chief in a war somewhere. You have the job of working out whether the targets they have selected for bombing are a good set of targets or not. You would have one obvious question. “Where is the map showing your proposed targets in relationship to where industrial production is concentrated, where key transport hubs are situated and where enemy forces are massing?”

It’s a bit like this with health targets. The government has recently decided to drop National’s health targets and to work up a new set. Stakeholder responses have varied. For instance, the Royal New Zealand College of General Practitioners wants “broader measures”. Auckland University’s Professor Alistair Woodward has warned that if broader measures are “spread too thin” they might not make enough of an impact.

What these comments reflect is that setting targets involves trade-offs. You want your targets as high (broad) as possible, but if they get too high they may not be controllable by the parties you want them to encourage. You also want to have a set of targets that covers all of your key priority areas, but this may mean a reduction in activity focused on specific targets.

Just as in the military analogy above, if you want a coherent stakeholder discussion about such trade-offs, you really need to hold that discussion against the underlying “map” of what you are wanting to achieve. But the traditional way that governments in New Zealand, and internationally, have presented information on their strategies does not provide this. There is not a concise tool for quickly overviewing the underlying “map” for target setting and other kinds of strategic work.

When you are dealing with large sectors such as health, governments have traditionally found it hard to both quickly and fully communicate their underlying strategy. Of course, they usually have glossy high-level overviews of their strategy, but you need something more detailed than that for coherent target setting. But the pursuit of that detail can lead to overkill. I was once facilitating a presentation by a director general of health where they told health providers that they needed to read seven different documents to work out what the then government’s health strategy was. In a world where our attention spans are shrinking, the days have long past when you could expect people to read that many documents to get an overview of government strategy.

For stakeholders to work out the trade-offs regarding suggested targets, they need to have in their minds a mental map of the strategy that the targets relate to. The problem with the traditional “seven documents” approach is that each of the stakeholders involved in the discussion ends up having to build their own summary mental model of the underlying strategy inside their own heads. But, as I know from being involved in many such target setting discussions, there is no way of being certain that stakeholders have the same mental model regarding the underlying strategy. Because of this, target setting exercises often become confused and frustrating for all concerned.

The solution to this is simple and lies in recent developments in strategic planning I, and others, have been involved in. This is where the underlying map or model of strategy is represented not just within very high level summaries plus long planning documents. In this new approach, it is also represented in a specific type of visual strategy model. Such models set out boxes with high-level outcomes and all of the important lower-level steps needed to get to them.

Such a concise visual model of the underlying strategic “map” at both the high and more detailed level can be used directly as a tool for quicker target setting. Proposed targets are put directly onto the visual strategy model. Stakeholders can then immediately “see” on the visual model in front of them the level at which the targets are being set and how comprehensive the set of proposed targets is. This approach mimics exactly how you would approach critiquing a set of bombing targets as I talked about at the start.

In one sense, this is just another argument for increased government transparency. In a visually orientated age, all governments need to be adopting approaches that make it easier and much faster for stakeholders and the public to “see” what they are trying to do.

It will be interesting to see if this government, interested as it is in innovation, will start adopting this sort of approach to target setting in health and other areas. It would also be good to see if the new approach could save some of the media column space generated around these exercises. A part of the discussion that arises in such exercises can just be people talking at cross-purposes. This is because stakeholders do not have a common map of the underlying government strategy to work directly from when they are trying to provide input into target setting.

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2018_PhotoCredit_DavidTong_WWFNewZealand

PoliticsJuly 18, 2018

Growing up in the climate action movement

2018_PhotoCredit_DavidTong_WWFNewZealand

Submissions to the Zero Carbon Bill close on Thursday July 19. Laura Somerset, a Wellington-based convener of Generation Zero, looks back on the early days of the climate action movement.

At 16, I unwittingly became a climate activist because I wanted to skip English class.

The year was 2016. Selfie sticks were emerging and global greenhouse gas emissions were at record high levels, yet the idea of caring about climate change was still radical in the minds of most New Zealanders, including my own.

Through the high school grapevine I heard tales of a youth-led climate organisation looking for new members to join their annual hui up the coast. Generation Zero had been established five years earlier by a ragtag team of university students who were concerned about New Zealand’s inaction on climate change. Incidentally, their hui that year was during school time: at this, my ears perked up. Never one to pass up the opportunity to miss a day of school, I graciously agreed to attend.

Unsure of how to admit that I had only joined for a long weekend away, I began quietly showing up to regular meetings and nodding my head at the appropriate times.

Shortly after I joined Generation Zero, we launched the Zero Carbon Act campaign. The idea for the Zero Carbon Act came from the grassroots campaign and subsequent passing of the UK’s 2008 Climate Change Act, which established an ambitious plan to reduce national greenhouse gas emissions. It was passed almost unanimously across all political parties.

The UK Climate Change Act campaign managed to spark a national conversation on climate change that our country desperately needed. And so, during a meeting one evening in the library cafe, Generation Zero decided to draft our own climate change law.

Our volunteers got to work on adapting the UK Climate Change Act model to suit the New Zealand context. The ones who were studying policy and law would finish up their classes and day jobs and race to the cafe, developing policy frameworks over the cheapest item on the menu. The rest of us got stuck into engaging with members of the community to ensure policy represented the interests of all New Zealanders.

We hosted a bike tour that sent volunteers to bike the length of Te Ika-a-Māui (the North Island), speaking with rural communities about climate change along the way. We showed up to every public meeting, every panel, and every conference to spread our message. We held house parties in our flats to convince party-goers to join the cause, and we pestered MPs to meet with us.

I had always felt alienated by environmentalists because I was, frankly, uninterested in the environment. Bookish and urban to my core, my childhood was spent in fear of the next occasion when my parents would force me to go tramping. Now that I was working on the Zero Carbon Act campaign though, it started to dawn on me that climate change was really a social justice issue.

Gen Zero 2016 (L) and Gen Zero 2018 (Photos: supplied)

While I was ambivalent towards the sight of a polar bear, I did care that an estimated 250,000 people would die from climate-change-related causes every year by the time I reached 30. I cared that my home, Wellington, would be devastated by sea level rise like most of New Zealand’s coastal urban centres. I cared that some Pacific Islands would be completely submerged by 2050, leaving thousands of displaced refugees.

I realised that caring about people was synonymous with caring about the environment where they make their homes and carry out their lives.

In 2017, the youth wings of National, Labour, Green, and the Māori party endorsed the Zero Carbon Act. Jan Wright, the then-Parliamentary Commissioner of the Environment released a report which called for the adoption of the Act, as did the Productivity Commission. The New Zealand divisions of the United Nations, Oxfam, World Wildlife Fund, and UNICEF, all pledged their endorsements. From university campuses to workplaces to our grandparents’ rest homes, New Zealanders were backing the Zero Carbon Act.

At the end of 2017, two years after we launched our campaign, the Government announced its plans to pass the newly titled Zero Carbon Bill into legislation.

We made history.

In a photo of the Zero Carbon Act campaign launch in 2016 the camera had to zoom in so that the sparse crowd wasn’t so apparent. In 2018 when we gathered outside Parliament to celebrate the promise that the Bill would be passed, so many people showed up that we couldn’t fit everyone in the picture.

But our job isn’t over yet. Public consultation on the Zero Carbon Bill closes this Thursday 19 July, and we’re out there encouraging as many public submissions as possible so that the Bill supports the values of a fair and just society. We also need all political parties onboard with this proposed law so that it remains salient regardless of the Government in power at the time. Climate change transcends political agendas. News that we now have endorsements from New Zealand Farming Leaders Group, Simon Bridges, and over 200 businesses gives me hope for cross-party support of the Bill.

This year I turned 19 and moved out of home. In October the Zero Carbon Bill will be introduced in the House and next year it will be passed into law. Oh, how they grow up.

Have your say while you still can. Make your submission to the Zero Carbon Bill here.

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