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Rawiri Waititi, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke doing a haka in a legislative chamber. The chamber is wood-panelled with green flooring and empty seats visible.
Rawiri Waititi, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke performing the haka in question on November 14, 2024 (Image: The Spinoff)

PoliticsApril 3, 2025

Te Pāti Māori’s stand-off with the Privileges Committee, explained

Rawiri Waititi, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke doing a haka in a legislative chamber. The chamber is wood-panelled with green flooring and empty seats visible.
Rawiri Waititi, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke performing the haka in question on November 14, 2024 (Image: The Spinoff)

The three MPs whose rule-breaking haka caught the world’s attention didn’t attend their scheduled hearing yesterday. Constitutional law expert Andrew Geddis has the rundown of what happened, why, and what’s likely to come next. 

I see Te Pāti Māori and the privileges committee are in some sort of stand-off – what’s the beef about?

To really understand the issue, we’d need to begin with first contact between Māori  and European explorers/agents of colonisation … and I don’t have the words or expertise to unpick the subsequent 383 years. So, let’s jump ahead to November 2024 and the haka led by Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke in the House of Representatives. Following this action, three MPs (NZ First’s Shane Jones, National’s Suze Redmayne and Act’s Todd Stephenson) laid complaints with the speaker that this haka was a breach of parliamentary rules. The speaker agreed that the behaviour of four MPs who took part by leaving their seats and entering the floor of the House – Peeni Henare, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer, Rawiri Waititi and Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke – should be further considered by the privileges committee.

The “privileges committee” sounds awfully anachronistic. What exactly is it?

I’ve had cause to write about it before, back when it considered Rawiri Waititi’s breach of a court order when asking David Seymour a parliamentary question about Tim Jago, the convicted sex offender who had been his Act Party president. So, I’ll just recycle my description of the committee from back then.

If the speaker agrees a complaint about a parliamentary rule breach is serious enough, that matter goes to the House’s privileges committee, which by journalistic convention must always be referred to as “powerful”. Basically, it’s made up of senior MPs from all the parties. They then hold a kind of in-house trial, decide if what has happened is a breach of the rules, and then decide what penalty should apply.

So, four MPs got sent there by the speaker for performing the haka. What’s happened since?

One of those MPs, Labour’s Peeni Henare, had his time before the committee in mid-March. He accepted that he breached parliamentary rules by going onto the floor of the House to perform the haka, and the committee decided that while his actions were “disorderly”, in effect they did not amount to a “contempt” of the House. Peeni Henare then apologised to the House for his actions.

Hang on – what’s this “contempt” business all about?

Basically, a “contempt” of the House involves a finding that someone has acted in a way that stops the House or any of its members being able to carry out their functions. It ups the seriousness of the issue, and hence the potential consequences – as we’ll get on to in a second.

Fair enough. However, if one of the four MPs has been dealt with in this way, why are Te Pāti Māori’s MPs still at issue? 

I think it’s safe to say that they don’t share Peeni Henare’s acceptance that their particular actions when conducting the haka were “wrong”. So, they want to defend themselves by bringing evidence before the committee from experts in tikanga and having their cases argued for them by a lawyer.

That sounds fair enough – why can’t they do this?

Because the committee won’t let them do so, pointing to the House’s own rules that set out the quite limited way in which witnesses (such as the MPs in question) can make use of legal advisers. While the committee might function a bit like a court in terms of deciding if you’ve done wrong and should be punished accordingly, its procedures aren’t the same as those that occur in a criminal trial.

Oh dear. How is this all coming to a head now?

Yesterday the committee had scheduled an hour-and-a-half for Te Pāti Māori’s three MPs to appear before it (separately, despite their desire to be dealt with collectively). However, the MPs basically said “nope – not coming” and instead announced they would set up their “own independent hearing” next month to “address the real kaupapa, which is tikanga Māori”.

It’s a committee-off! How has the privileges committee responded?

Following yesterday’s no show, the committee issued a statement that it would extend the MPs one last chance to come before it on April 23. That statement concluded with the words “we expect the members involved to engage with the committee’s consideration of the question of privilege, as all others who have been referred to this committee have done”.

In some subsequent comments to media, the committee chair, Judith Collins, came pretty close to threatening that a failure by the MPs to engage as “expected” would be itself considered a contempt that the committee could decide to punish.

That’s starting to get a bit ominous. Where might this then all end up?

I guess there’s always room for some sort of compromise deal to get worked out – the committee might massage its procedures in a way that satisfies the MPs’ concerns. But, if there’s no rapprochement forthcoming, then we may again see another refusal to attend come April 23.

At that point the committee would have to decide what to do both about the original matter – how to categorise the haka as performed by the MPs in question – and also what to do about the MPs’ refusal to participate in the committee’s processes. Here Collins’ statement to the media pointing to the prospect of fines, or even the suspension of an MP from the House, really ups the usual stakes in these matters. Previous committee findings that an MP has committed a contempt have attracted at most a censure (telling off), and requirement to say “sorry” in public. 

So, again, it’s hard to know just how seriously to take these implied threats of heavier sanctions. But the privileges committee gets called “powerful” for a reason!

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A lot of this looks like procedural game playing and posturing. What’s really going on here?

The real issue arising from the MPs’ use of the haka, it seems to me, relates to how deeply parliamentary rules should accommodate tikanga and Māori forms of debate and contestation. However, the privileges committee isn’t really set up to address that sort of issue. It’s there to judge behaviour against the House’s as-set rules and determine what consequence should follow if these are breached.

Consequently, Te Pāti Māori is right to complain that the status quo all-but guarantees a finding that its MPs’ actions breach parliamentary rules. And with little to no room to argue before the privileges committee that these rules are wrong or unfair, their participation simply lends credibility to a process primed to condemn them. Contrariwise, the privileges committee can’t unilaterally change the rules parliament operates on, only adjudicate on whether they have been broken and what to do about that. And while Te Pāti Māori’s MPs are a part of the House, the argument goes, they have to be held to the rules of that place.

As such, we find ourselves in a situation so common in Aotearoa New Zealand. Māori pointing out how the existing rules fail to properly accommodate them, while those whose job it is to apply those rules say “sorry, but this is just how things are and if you want to participate you must conform”. All while the big question – what rules would allow for a proper incorporation of tikanga into our collective way of behaving? – gets pushed aside as being just a bit too hard to think about.

Keep going!
Two men in suits are speaking at podiums against a green background with a pattern of rectangles. A graphic labeled "The Spinoff Echo Chamber?" hangs in the center, depicting a seating chart.
Simeon Brown and Chris Luxon faced questions about the understaffed Nelson hospital. Image: Joel MacManus

PoliticsApril 3, 2025

Echo Chamber: Nelson hospital scandal puts Luxon and Brown on the back foot

Two men in suits are speaking at podiums against a green background with a pattern of rectangles. A graphic labeled "The Spinoff Echo Chamber?" hangs in the center, depicting a seating chart.
Simeon Brown and Chris Luxon faced questions about the understaffed Nelson hospital. Image: Joel MacManus

Healthcare dominated the debate in an unusually sober and serious question time.

Echo Chamber is The Spinoff’s dispatch from the press gallery, recapping sessions in the House.

“Hey David!” a group of high school students in the public gallery called out as Act leader David Seymour entered the debating chamber. Standing in the middle of the floor, before any other MPs had arrived, he happily chit-chatted back: “I hope you guys really enjoy this and I hope that afterwards you believe in democracy at least as much as before.”

Whether they enjoyed it is doubtful. Whether they believed in democracy more than before is possible. Despite a week where culture wars and the word “bussy” dominated headlines, Wednesday’s question time was unusually sober and serious. The opposition’s heckling was less energetic, the government’s what-about-isms were subdued, and prime minister Chris Luxon was uncharacteristically detail-focused.

Healthcare dominated the debate, particularly two recent new stories: a 1 News report where several senior doctors at Nelson Hospital claimed patients’ lives were being put at risk due to wait times and a survey in New Zealand Doctor which found that many primary care doctors are feeling more pessimistic than ever under new health minister Simeon Brown. 

As Chris Hipkins questioned how the government let the situation get this bad, Luxon maintained a low tone, acknowledging “some real long-standing challenges” and promising a rapid response team would “actually work out how they can work through the issues that they’re experiencing”. Luxon strongly denied Hipkins’ claim that the government had put a hiring freeze on doctors and nurses. “There is more money, there are more staff, and there is no hiring freeze,” he insisted.

Luxon had anticipated the topic of questioning and rattled off a list of things his government was doing – expediting 100 GPs and 400 nurses, an additional $285 million into the GP system, and a $17 billion increase in total healthcare spending. 

In the seat next to him, health minister Simeon Brown sat forward attentively with his hands in his lap – a notable departure from his typical lean-back-and-manspread posture. Along with Luxon’s contrite tone, it was a signal that this issue had struck a rare nerve. 

Like Luxon, Brown read from a prepared list of actions he was taking: sending a rapid response team to Nelson to assess the situation, bringing surgeons in from Blenheim, and getting teams in from other parts of the country to help get through first specialist assessment waitlists.

Luxon and Brown love the game of politics. They’re more comfortable on attack than defence. They were both highly effective in opposition, and in government, their first instinct is to flip every issue into a criticism of the last lot. They tried this strategy on Wednesday, but the blows didn’t have their usual force. 

“The last administration was actually just reorganising decks on the boat and not caring and delivering outcomes for New Zealanders,” Luxon said. Later, during an exchange with Labour’s health spokesperson Ayesha Verrall, Brown took a similar line: “If the member looked at the track record of her government, she would realise that this is a problem which has grown over time.”

It’s fair to argue that many of the government’s problems were inherited, but this particular scandal is harder to hand-wave away. It’s true that wait times increased significantly under the previous Labour government – it’s a large part of the reason the National-led coalition won the election – but the doctors in Nelson were clear that this isn’t a mere continuation from 2023; the problem is the worst it has ever been. 

The politics of blame don’t work quite as well in healthcare. It’s all well and good to finger-point about the cost of ferries or the state of the broader economy, but the public doesn’t have much tolerance for that carry-on when lives are at risk right now.

‘Hutt Valley, Kāpiti, down to the south coast. Our Wellington coverage is powered by members.’
Joel MacManus
— Wellington editor

To their credit, Luxon and Brown came prepared and treated the issue with the seriousness it deserved. Labour didn’t land a knockout blow but will be more than happy to keep highlighting any failures in the health system. There’s a reason the job of health minister is considered the cabinet’s biggest hospital pass (pun intended). You get little credit when things are working well and shoulder all the blame as soon as things go wrong. 

Luxon’s decision to swap out the underperforming Shane Reti for close friend and ally Simeon Brown was seen as a move to shake up the system with the same cut-throat approach that Brown applied to transport. It may still prove to be an effective tactic at a management level. In the house, though, it comes with a major downside. Brown is the government’s most forceful attack dog, so when the opposition bogs him down with complex and sensitive health scandals, they neutralise his bark and his bite. 

Politics