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WHAT ARE THE PARTIES’ HEALTH PLEDGES IN ELECTION 2020? (Image: Getty Images/Toby Morris)
WHAT ARE THE PARTIES’ HEALTH PLEDGES IN ELECTION 2020? (Image: Getty Images/Toby Morris)

PoliticsOctober 3, 2020

Election 2020: The health policies in two minutes

WHAT ARE THE PARTIES’ HEALTH PLEDGES IN ELECTION 2020? (Image: Getty Images/Toby Morris)
WHAT ARE THE PARTIES’ HEALTH PLEDGES IN ELECTION 2020? (Image: Getty Images/Toby Morris)

Voting is under way in the New Zealand general election. Explore the main parties’ pledges at Policy.nz, but here’s a whistle-stop tour of what’s on offer in the world of health.

Read more two-minute policy wraps here

Over 2020, the New Zealand public has learned what “PPE” means; the director general of health became a revered symbol of stoic kindness, and virology has become a hotly contested field of study. But Covid-19 isn’t the only issue with the health system.

With the release of the Heather Simpson health and disability review this year calling for a restructure of DHBs, mounting pressure to improve mental health services, and ongoing problems over this term about how health equity can be achieved, there’s a lot of ground for parties to cover.

Public health services

The Heather Simpson review earlier this year recommended consolidating our DHBs from 20 down to between eight and 12, and both National and Labour are committed to doing this. 

Act would cut DHBs down further, to just six boards, and combine 12 DHB-owned public health units into a one centralised national public health service. 

National would increase funding to Pharmac by $140 million over four years, and would extend the reach of Whānau Ora but review its commissioning model.

Labour would increase funding to Pharmac by $200 million over the same period, and would complete bargaining to achieve pay equity for nurses and DHB administration and clerical staff.

The Green Party would establish safe zones around abortion clinics and increase funding for Family Planning.

NZ First would increase funding for St John ambulances.

The Māori Party would issue a health card to all Māori that ensures health funding follows the patient and not a DHB or a primary care service, and would increase funding to Whānau Ora.

Dental health

National would increase funding for children by $30 million per year in a plan that would include giving each child an annual toothbrush and toothpaste, and offer them a free fluoride varnish. Schools, kindergartens, and parents can all opt out of the programme.

Labour would increase the emergency oral health grant – available to those who meet the threshold for a special needs grant – from $300 to $1,000. It would also provide 20 more mobile dental clinics across the country, and work with dental providers and DHBs to create regional preferred supplier lists. 

The Green Party would look into a levy on sugary drinks to further fund dental care.

The Opportunities Party (TOP) would provide free dental care to anyone under 18 or on a low income.

Pregnancy and sexual health

National would fund a three-day postnatal stay for all new mothers at a care facility of their choice, and provide home visiting programmes to new mothers under 20 with an aim to increase the number who achieve NCEA and post-secondary education.

National would provide expecting mothers with $3,000 to pay for certain services in their child’s first 1,000 days.

National would transition to HPV self-tests within the first term of government.

Labour would increase the number of maternal respite beds by 12, and invest an additional $20 million in nurse family partnerships; nurses who provide support to families with mental health or addiction issues.

The Green Party would increase funding for family planning clinics and for pregnancy and postnatal care. It would also prioritise the needs of intersex, transgender, and nonbinary people; the only party to state it would do so.

The New Conservatives would reverse the Abortion Legislation Act 2020, criminalising abortion once again, and would require parental consent for medical procedures on children under 16. It would also redirect funding for gender reassignment surgery into counselling for “gender dysphoria”.

New authorities

The Simpson review recommended the establishment of a Māori health authority, and that’s what Labour and the Greens would work towards. The new authority’s work will be influenced by Whakamaua, the Māori Health Action Plan, and would be funded from the $120 million over four years Labour has committed for health system oversight.

Labour would also establish a public health agency as suggested by the Simpson review, which would be funded from that same pool of $120 million.

Labour would fund Ola Manuia, the Pacific Health and Wellbeing Plan 2020-2025, to the tune of $20 million.

National would pass a law to establish a national cancer agency in its first 100 days in office, with an interim agency board functioning for the first two years. This agency would be separate from the Ministry of Health and district boards, and would cover cancer prevention, screening, treatment and research. The party estimates this policy would cost $10 million per year.

The Māori Party would establish a Māori Health Funding Authority to oversee the purchasing, distribution and operational delivery of the per capita budget health entitlement of Māori. The budget for this would be $5 billion.

The Green Party would establish community hubs at schools to deliver health-related services but also a more holistic range of services including internet access and early childhood and adult education.

Alcohol and drugs

National would deploy the Matrix model, a 20-week group therapy and drug testing pilot programme targeting methamphetamine addiction, and ensure each DHB has at least one methamphetamine detox bed – 13 in total – and that a specialist would be available for an in-patient detoxing to work with.

The party would expand specialist courts for drugs and alcohol, and engage with Māori services like Te Ara Oranga in Northland to learn from their experience of alcohol addiction.

Labour would train 12,000 mental health and addiction support workers over the next three years, and would provide more home and community services and peer support for alcohol and drug use.

The Green Party would legalise and fund drug-checking services like Know Your Stuff, increase funding for health and rehabilitation support, and restrict advertising for alcohol at sport and cultural events.

Act would relax restrictions on vaping, allowing businesses to decide if they will allow it on the premises. More on Act’s approach here can be found under “mental health”.

New Zealand First would remove tax from smoking cessation tools, and lower the excise on cigarettes themselves.

The New Conservatives would criminalise being drunk and disorderly in public.

Mental health

National would establish a minister for mental health, and would fund 100,000 free counselling sessions to address the “mental distress caused by Covid-19”.

It would also fund the expansion of mental health facilities in policing, like the St John’s co-response pilot programme that had police and St John staff both respond to mental health call-outs.

Labour would expand Canterbury’s Mana Ake programme nationwide over the next five years, and would train 12,000 new community-based mental health and addiction support workers over the next three years.

The Green Party would extend free counselling to anyone under 25, and improve postnatal mental health services. 

Act would replace the Mental Health and Wellbeing Commission with a new commission that would not provide treatment, but would contract out to providers.

NZ First would fund Gumboot Friday with $10 million over three years.

The Māori Party would establish a kaupapa Māori mental health service that would focus on lowering suicide rates.

Covid-19

This will be covered in more detail in Justin Giovannetti’s Covid-19 response policy round-up in the coming week, but the crux of it is that both National and Labour have committed to the improvement of testing and contact tracing, and both would look into developing technology to meet these challenges.

National is a little more specific around the technological options, suggesting a Bluetooth application and a “Covid card” for contact tracing. 

NZ First would establish a “New Zealand border protection force” combining the functions of the defence force, the customs service, and Immigration NZ.

Labour and National would fine isolation and quarantine escapees, and Act would imprison them.

The Green Party would increase sick days from five to 10, which it says is vital to retaining income should someone contract the virus; but this policy is not contingent on the threat of Covid-19 remaining.

Explore the parties’ pledges in more depth at Policy. The essential campaign dates are hereFor all you need to know about the cannabis referendum click here. For the assisted dying referendum click here

Keep going!
David Seymour on a pink background
(Image : Tina Tiller)

PoliticsOctober 3, 2020

Davidmania? The Spinoff meets Act’s high-flying leader

David Seymour on a pink background
(Image : Tina Tiller)

David Seymour’s meteoric rise over the past six months is well documented. But what caused it? Stewart Sowman-Lund sat down with the Act Party leader. 

Back in February, the Act Party was polling below 2%. Last year, below 1%. 

Now, it’s sitting at around 8%, with David Seymour on track to bring eight or nine friends into the next parliament. It would be Act’s best ever election result, with the party looking to become the third largest in parliament. It’s an almost incredible feat, especially given the fact Seymour is not a newcomer. He’s been the party’s leader – and sole MP – for about six years.

I catch up with the Act Party leader for a quick sit-down squeezed into his back-to-back schedule. He’s just finished a tour of local businesses in Avondale, launched his party’s SME policy, and given a speech to a crowd as large as Auckland’s Covid-19 restrictions allow. Those in attendance hung on his every word, laughed at every joke. Even those who challenged him on policy found themselves nodding in agreement to his response. Straight after talking to me, he’s heading to a pre-record for Newshub Nation’s “Powerbrokers” debate, which airs today.

Despite the sudden rise in David Seymour’s popularity, the man himself gives his personality little credit. He refuses to entertain the suggestion of “Davidmania”. Policy, he says, is the key to the resurgence of the party founded 26 years ago by Roger Douglas and Derek Quigley to fly the flag for the free market.  

“If you look at most of the increase, it’s happened during the Covid period at a time when people really do want to think about the policy response.”

During his speech, Seymour joked that he was becoming one of Labour and National’s policy developers. It’s not strictly true, but it’s not that far off either. In Wednesday’s Newshub leader debate, both Jacinda Ardern and Judith Collins committed to a review of Pharmac. It came on the same day that Act had announced just that. 

Collins also spoke of New Zealand needing to be more like Taiwan in its Covid-19 response. Seymour has been saying as much for months. 

“Being the party of policy has started to pay-off,” Seymour tells me. “Mainly because more people are interested in that stuff. In the ‘hokily-dokily’ days of John Key, people were just sort of happy, and going on about needing to do better at policy seemed a bit irrelevant to people.”

Act, Seymour said, is the party of policy. I ask him whether he’s fighting The Opportunities Party for that title.

“They’re not the party of good policy,” he jokes. “I would be embarrassed to go out with this universal basic income … your policies do actually have to work. If something is fundamentally unworkable, then you’re not going to be taken seriously.”

Based on polling, it would seem Act is now being taken seriously. Throughout my 15 minutes chatting to Seymour, we were interrupted by requests for selfies and by people pledging their support. On his business walkabout, Seymour looked in his prime, like he was on a stage. He played to the cameras and made jokes to everyone he crossed paths with. He had a swagger and a spring in his step that was non-existent 12 months ago. 

As he neared six years in parliament without so much as a caucus colleague to shoot the breeze with, and polls rarely suggesting that might change, did he not start thinking of a career move?

“You’d certainly think about it wouldn’t you, but I’ve never seriously gone down that route. I’ve never talked to anyone about it. You’d be a pretty thoughtless and brainless person if that concept hadn’t crossed your mind at some point, but I certainly never entertained any other strategy than growing Act back to existence.”

While a lot of Act’s rise in popularity can be put down to Covid-19 – it started a lot earlier than that. Notably, Seymour’s celebrity-making turn on Dancing with the Stars in 2018.

During the Newshub Nation debate, he listed his “paso doble” as his most embarrassing moment from the last parliamentary term. 

Regardless, he stands by the decision to appear on the show. “It got people to know who I was. That’s half the battle in this business – people can’t vote for you if they don’t know you,” he says. Love or loathe his politics, he’s certainly been visible, garnering more publicity than almost any other MP these past three years, certainly from the opposition.

“Second of all, [Dancing with the Stars] allowed me to show qualities that I think people are looking for in a politician: I can laugh at myself, I know I’m not perfect, but I will always try and do better. I was really heartened by the way that people responded to that attitude.” He may have been unpopular with the judges, but the public vote propelled him into fifth spot.

David Seymour, hard twerking New Zealander. Illustration: Toby Morris

So, where to from here? Is Act’s growth going to keep rising? There was talk among those attending Seymour’s speech that the party could crack double digits by election day.

“We have an opportunity, as a party, to grow out of where we’ve been, that almost no one else has. I look at the difficulty of a new party entering parliament, it’s practically impossible. Parties are slowly being eliminated, I suspect we’ll see at least one and possibly two fewer parties at this election.” 

On current polling, the pathway for Winston Peters and New Zealand First to return to parliament is crumbling away. The Greens are teetering on the edge of the threshold.

It’s a sign, Seymour says, that our current electoral system might not be around much longer. If he’s to be believed, MMP won’t be around in five or six elections and the country could become a two-party state.

“People will ask ‘why do we have these list MPs? Why not make everyone represent an electorate?’ Act has an enormous opportunity in the twilight of MMP to have real influence.”

The near future, for Seymour, remains fixed on parliament. But he’s not a career politician – he won’t be around forever.

“My career before this was in engineering, 13-years-ago, then I worked in public policy for six years in Canada. I don’t want to go back to Canada again. But when I restart my career, I’ll probably be a bit rusty on the engineering – but what I do will be something totally new, I suspect.”

As it stands, National would be the only party Act could go into government with. Seymour won’t forgive Labour for closing down charter schools. “To put unionised representatives ahead of poor brown kids who never get a chance, that’s fundamentally what they did. It’s disgraceful.”

It doesn’t just stop there: “I just think the fact that Chris Hipkins has to be the minister of health and education shows how little talent [Labour’s] got. Frankly, they’re a danger on free speech, they’re not going to do anything on firearms, they’re fiscally reckless…”

National isn’t perfect, either, but they’ll do. During this week’s leaders’ debate, Judith Collins pledged to scrap the firearms register if she becomes prime minister. Her call to the gun community felt like a message to Act supporters, asking them to come back home to National. 

Seymour’s opposition to the government’s gun laws after March 15 – initially an objection to the process and subsequently to the substance – was another turning point in Act’s rise. While some have criticised the position as expedient, that is dismissed by Seymour, who says gun owners are an important and natural part of the Act constituency. 

“I think it’s pretty clear to people in the firearms community that when the chips are down there’s only one party that stands for you,” Seymour says. 

David Seymour speaking to reporters at parliament (Getty Images)

Despite the rise in support, Act is still often seen by those on Twitter and the left as a far right party. In the past, Act’s called for the minimum wage to be cut and the winter energy payment to be lowered. Seymour feels he – and the party – can be misrepresented. 

“I think there’s a fundamental challenge that other parties generally state their intentions, where as we tend to state policies,” Seymour explains. 

“So when you look at something like the minimum wage; a lot of parties say they want to raise the minimum wage because they want people to be paid more. Well actually, we want people to be paid more too and frankly we’ve got better ideas about how to do it. But we disagree with just legislating it, we don’t think that’s going to work in the long term.”

Act’s policy position is complex, he says. “We always have to explain the second step to get to the intention and that’s, I think, why we get misrepresented.”

I ask Seymour about a cartoon released last week by The Spinoff’s Toby Morris. In the cartoon, Seymour was described as having sad eyes with a “rigid focus on money and a stubborn view of humans as individual emotionless numbers.”

It was criticised by the Act Party itself in a (now deleted) tweet, who labelled it a cartoonish view of libertarianism. Former party leader Jamie Whyte wasn’t impressed either, calling it disgraceful.

“It’s such a misconception, because [Morris] thinks libertarians don’t think about people because they don’t want the state to do things,” Seymour responds. 

“The truth is, if I do have sad eyes it’s because I live in a world where people with very superficial analysis are constantly impinging on each other with higher taxes and more regulations than would otherwise be necessary.

“If I am sad it’s because of statism, it’s not because I’m a libertarian and don’t understand human needs. But I liked the first part about being the most effective single MP, that was good.”

If current projections are correct, Act could yet bring 10 MPs to Wellington after October 17. But they’re a list of unknowns in the political world. I ask Seymour if there’s any MP from another party he’d happily invite over to Act. It’s someone I wouldn’t have guessed: National’s Parmjeet Parmar.

“She is a scientist at a high level… she’s highly intelligent, she is someone who has been on a journey: she’s traversed India to New Zealand through an arranged marriage, so quite a different story from most people.” 

On current numbers, it’s possible Parmar might need a job after the election. Seymour thinks National should’ve given her more of a shot.

“She’s run successful businesses, had a family, and been a radio host. I always look at her maiden statement, which I was there for. She said, ‘I’m not an ethnic MP, I’m an MP with an ethnicity’ – but it seems that message didn’t get across to the National Party.”

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