An attempt at a policy change u-turn is currently in the High Court.
An attempt at a policy change u-turn is currently in the High Court.

PoliticsApril 10, 2025

Bid to hit the brakes on speed limit increases heard in court

An attempt at a policy change u-turn is currently in the High Court.
An attempt at a policy change u-turn is currently in the High Court.

A transport safety advocacy group has filed for a judicial review of the government’s reversal of speed limit reductions, but the Crown is arguing it’s too late. Lyric Waiwiri-Smith reports from Wellington High Court.

A call for the reversal of the government’s reversal of speed limit reductions was heard in Wellington High Court on Wednesday morning, but the bid by a transport safety advocacy group to halt the changes was “too late” to stop a multimillion-dollar legislative change already on the go, a Crown lawyer said.

Movement, a transport safety advocacy group led by transport planner Bevan Woodward, filed an application for a judicial review of the move to increase speed limits in mid-January. The group also filed a request for interim relief on March 6 to halt all current progress on speed limit reversals until the case was heard in full later in the year.

The case comes nearly six months after former transport minister Simeon Brown (his cabinet colleague Chris Bishop picked up the transport portfolio in the January reshuffle) signed the Land Transport Rule 2024, which would reverse speed limit reductions introduced by the Labour government in 2020.

Movement’s challenge calls for the court to decide whether new speed limits should be scrapped due to safety concerns, whether Brown had acted in accordance with the Land Transport Act, and if the costs to councils in implementing these changes, and then changing them back should Movement succeed, would be worthwhile. 

The Crown had proposed the substantive case be heard after July 1, when reversals will automatically come into effect. Lawyer Sally Gepp KC, representing Movement, told Justice Radich she did not accept that enough substantial work had been completed, as only a sixth of road-controlling authorities had registered some of their speed limits, with the vast majority of those yet-to-be-registered changes (1,528) sitting with Auckland Transport.

Reversals on speed limit reductions are set to come into effect from July 1 (Photo: Fiona Goodall/Getty Images)

Gepp said that there was “no evidence” to the Crown’s position that “millions” had already been spent on reversals. She said she was aware the New Zealand Transport Agency had so far spent more than $300,000 on reversals, with 270 changes already registered (and 250 submitted for registration), but this spending would not be affected by the interim order.

Justice Radich heard that the applicant’s main issue was with safety. Gepp pointed to the Land Transport Act’s requirement to promote safe road behaviour and to ensure Aotearoa’s obligations with international requirements are upheld, as well as the function of the minister to promote safety in transport.

Advice received by the minister on reversing speed limits had “consistently [said] that that was unsafe, and that that would increase the risk of fatalities and injuries”, Gepp said. She claimed the minister was “irretrievably committed” to the reversals despite advice to the contrary – a position she said was backed by the minister not providing an affidavit.

Gepp also pointed to what she saw to be a lack of work undertaken by Auckland Transport. “It’s done very little work and is quite content to deal with the implications of the interim order,” Gepp said. “It is deliberately not making those reversals … in the knowledge of this hearing.”

Wellington High Court (Photo: Lyric Waiwiri-Smith)

Crown counsel Polly Higbee, representing Brown, labelled the case a “kitchen sink proceeding” and said Movement was simply “too late” to try to stop the policy change – they needed to have acted last year. She claimed a reversal of the reversal now would create confusion for drivers, and cause imbalances in cities where reversals had taken place in some areas and not others. In the Hutt Valley, 122 reversals had been made in school vicinities, with a further 55 school vicinities still awaiting them.

Changing speed limits wasn’t as simple as “somebody nailing up a road sign”, Higbee said. There is a process of design that assesses road safety, and a need for safe infrastructure such as road markings. “All the resources used to do those things are in hot demand at the moment,” Higbee said, and drew on evidence from one road control authority that estimated $1m had already been spent on this process.

“This is a multimillion-dollar process that is going to be partially suspended should the interim be granted,” she said.

On the large number of reversals still to take place in Auckland, Higbee said the city already had 32 urban connections where the speed limit reversals had come into effect. “So yes, Movement is correct that there is a lot to go in terms of registering speed limits,” Higbee said, “but that does not undermine the extent to which Movement’s order seeks to partially suspend a large programme of work.”

It was “dangerous” for the court to speculate Auckland Transport’s position, Higbee said. The agency had chosen not to be involved in court proceedings, so Movement purporting to speak for Auckland Transport should not be a position accepted by the court, she said.

Justice Radich heard that the Crown acknowledged the safety concerns shared, but “ultimately, this is an assessment of what level of risk an elected official is willing to take in terms of policy choices”.

Movement was an interest group that had already had the opportunity to have its say in public consultations, Higbee pointed out. “This court should be wary of creating a situation where people who are unsuccessful in the political arena continue that fight in the courts.” 

Justice Radich will make a decision on the interim order in the coming days.

Keep going!
Rawiri Waititi struggled to word his questions in the way speaker Gerry Brownlee wanted. Image: Joel MacManus
Rawiri Waititi struggled to word his questions in the way speaker Gerry Brownlee wanted. Image: Joel MacManus

PoliticsApril 10, 2025

Echo Chamber: Why it took nine attempts for Rawiri Waititi to ask a question

Rawiri Waititi struggled to word his questions in the way speaker Gerry Brownlee wanted. Image: Joel MacManus
Rawiri Waititi struggled to word his questions in the way speaker Gerry Brownlee wanted. Image: Joel MacManus

Speaker Gerry Brownlee made Te Pāti Māori’s co-leader rephrase his question again, and again, and again.

Te Pāti Māori has always had a healthy disrespect for the rules of parliament. They see it as a stuffy, colonial institution rooted in traditions that exist only for the sake of tradition. By rejecting the shackles of convention, they’re free to disrupt the house with a haka and openly defy the privileges committee.

Often, that attitude is good politics. Like Winston Peters, they realise that the rules of parliament are an illusion; the only thing that really matters is votes. As long as you keep getting re-elected, you can do whatever you want. But there are other times when that dismissal of norms exposes weakness, like a sportsperson who refuses to learn the finer rules of their own game.

On Wednesday, Rawiri Waititi repeatedly tried, and failed, to ask prime minister Chris Luxon a relatively simple question about the Treaty principles bill. Speaker Gerry Brownlee required him to rephrase the question nine times, while National MPs sniggered and Labour’s biggest rules nerds (Chris Hipkins and Kieran McAnulty) tried to interject on his behalf.

Waititi’s first attempt at the question was, “Is he proud with the cultural discourse facilitated by allowing one minor party to use parliament as a platform to promote the erasure of Māori rights?” Luxon was confused. “Sorry, can you repeat the question?”

“Love to,” Waititi chirped back.

The question was far too vague and seemed to be directed at the Act Party, not the government. “There might be another way to ask that question,” Brownlee hinted. Waititi tried again, adding “… through the introduction of the Treaty principles bill?” Brownlee cut him off. “No, no, that’s the same question.”

Hipkins came to the rescue, pointing out that the addition of the words “Treaty principles bill” made it clear the question was referencing a government bill, which the prime minister has responsibility for. A chastened Brownlee admitted his mistake. “Thanks, you’ve got better ears than I have. I didn’t hear that.” With a sigh, he told Waititi, “Ask again.” Fourth time’s the charm.

Waititi asked the same question, with the same mention of the Treaty principles bill. Once again, Brownlee cut him off. “Sorry, where was the reference to a government bill in that?” A chorus of MPs from the opposition benches called back at him, “Treaty principles bill”. Ginny Andersen rocked back and forth with laughter.

Frustrated, Brownlee gave a curt instruction to Luxon: “Give it a bit of an answer; just get rid of it.” Luxon said he disagreed with the characterisation of the question, then sat back down. Waititi pivoted slightly, staying on the same topic: “Will he be voting against Act’s Treaty principles bill tomorrow?” Once again, this caught Brownlee’s ire. “For goodness sake, you can’t call it Act’s bill if it’s a government bill”.

‘Hutt Valley, Kāpiti, down to the south coast. Our Wellington coverage is powered by members.’
Joel MacManus
— Wellington editor

Waititi followed up again, asking if Luxon would be voting against a member’s bill put forward by Act MP Parmjeet Parmar to end university scholarships and pathways based on race. The problem is, Parmar’s bill is a member’s bill, not a government bill. It’s a relatively arcane difference, but one that Waititi should be aware of. “I’m sure you’re about there. Just have another crack,” Brownlee said. “Sesame Street,” a National backbencher heckled.

The House grew increasingly restless as Waititi tried again. “Does he support the proposed member’s bill that will erase Māori and Pasifika pathway spaces and scholarships from all universities across Aotearoa?” National’s biggest rules nerd (Chris Bishop) interjected, pointing out that the prime minister isn’t responsible for members’ bills. Waititi made a point of order to Bishop’s point of order: “The member’s bill will be a government bill. Is he responsible for that?”

The short answer is no. Again, Waititi seemed confused about the difference between the two types of bills. “A member’s bill is a member’s bill; it’s not a government bill,” Brownlee said. “There will be another way to ask that question. I’m sorry to be difficult for you, but it’s important to get these things right.”

At long last, after stumbling at every hurdle, Waititi phrased his question in a Brownlee-approved format, asking if the prime minister supported “any bill” that would remove Māori and Pasifika scholarships and university pathways. Luxon popped up like a whac-a-mole, answered in one breath, and sat straight back down: “We’ll have to wait and see what bill comes before the House.” From his seat, McAnulty muttered, “God, he’s gutless.”

One for the record

In response to questions about the fishing industry (which is fundamentally based on killing fish), Shane Jones said, “no member of the fishing industry deliberately goes out to do damage to wildlife” – a quote that generated this remarkable series of facial expressions from Chlöe Swarbrick.

Chlöe Swarbrick looking like her head might explode. (Photo: Joel MacManus)