Houses for sale and sold in central Auckland suburbs (Photo by Fiona Goodall/Getty Images)
Houses for sale and sold in central Auckland suburbs (Photo by Fiona Goodall/Getty Images)

PoliticsApril 18, 2018

Why the ban on foreign homebuyers is so very dumb

Houses for sale and sold in central Auckland suburbs (Photo by Fiona Goodall/Getty Images)
Houses for sale and sold in central Auckland suburbs (Photo by Fiona Goodall/Getty Images)

On Tuesday, economist Eric Crampton argued that legislation to prohibit foreign property buyers will do nothing to alleviate the housing crisis. Today, he lays out all the other reasons why the ban makes no sense.

Yesterday, I wrote about how New Zealand wound up with a ban on foreign homebuyers. I said the policy was bad in principle and worse in practice. Let’s go through a little more on just why this is such bad policy.

During the election campaign, Labour said they were going to stop foreign speculators from interfering in New Zealand’s housing market and pushing up housing costs for Kiwis.

The Bill that came out of it will bring all residential land under the Overseas Investment Act’s definition of “sensitive land”. And that is a bigger and worse deal than you probably think.

First up, the bill is hardly restricted to ‘overseas’ people. If you live in New Zealand on a work visa, you’re covered. If you live in New Zealand as a permanent resident, but split your time between here and overseas, you might be covered depending on how many days you spend here.

That will not just hit fat-cats you might want to punish just for the sake of it.

A doctor moving to Greymouth from London on a work visa to set up a general practice would not be able to buy a house. And if she had planned on setting up practice in a house on residential land, that’s tough too.

A retired New Zealand permanent resident would be banned from downsizing to a smaller house to be able to spend more time with the grandkids overseas if he spent too many days abroad. You have to be in New Zealand for at least 183 days of the prior 12 months.

Or imagine a permanent resident who has made a life and is raising a family in New Zealand but has to rush back to Canada (for example) because of a parent’s health emergency. If you stayed out of country for 183 days helping your parents, you’d lose your rights to buy a house here in the next year.

My wife and I have lived here since 2003 and have been permanent residents since 2005. If one of our parents fell ill and one of us needed to take a half a year off to go and help, and if we had to downsize our house to make it all work, we would be in a horrible spot.

But don’t think about me – think about some other Canadian living here for whom you feel some sympathy, or a permanent resident from some other country entirely. It would apply to that person too.

And the ban is hardly restricted to places experiencing a housing crisis. If a foreign student finished a degree at the Southern Institute of Technology in a field with skills shortages, she could likely get a work visa but couldn’t buy a house in Invercargill.

It might sound reasonable to you to make any of these people jump through hurdles with the Overseas Investment Office, but it is nonsense. Just imagine if we put the same barrier in front of any non-Auckland New Zealander wanting to move to Auckland. Someone moving from Invercargill to Auckland puts more pressure on housing markets than anyone moving to Southland from abroad – why should only the foreigner, already accepted by Immigration New Zealand, have to prove her worthiness to own a house? If you wanted to buy a house in my old home town of Winnipeg, the Canadians wouldn’t force you to produce an assessment of whether it’s in Canada’s national interest. Not being crazier than Canada is usually a pretty good rule.

Houses selling at Hobsonville Point on June 29, 2015 in Auckland. (Photo by Fiona Goodall/Getty Images)

But it gets even worse. Suppose you hate foreigners so much that all that collateral damage doesn’t much matter. But won’t somebody think about the Kiwis?

The Bill as written will mess up residential construction.

Suppose you planned to put up an apartment tower in Auckland, with some units being sold off the plans to overseas buyers intending on renting them out after construction. When those foreign buyers who provide the capital that gets the apartment tower built in the first place are kicked out of the market, who’s going to pony up the money instead?

If the apartment developer counted as a foreign person under the Act, it would be forced to sell all of the apartments within a tight period after construction completed. If apartment prices stumbled mid-development, the developer might really prefer to be able to rent out some of those units instead for a couple of years before selling them off. Being forced to sell in a hurry makes projects riskier and requires that they provide a higher return on investment to compensate.

CDL Land, a company that develops subdivisions and is majority foreign-owned, warns that Overseas Investment Act consenting processes under the new Bill will bog down new construction projects.

It isn’t just limited to ‘foreign’ companies, either, and it isn’t just limited to housing.

Fletcher Building is counted as an overseas entity because more than 25% of its shares are owned by overseas investors. They own a lot of residential property that will be deemed sensitive – and not just to develop and sell. Their submission pointed to properties likely to be classed as sensitive residential land but currently used as retail stores and show rooms, as environmental buffer zones around quarries or manufacturing facilities, or even as temporary accommodation for staff. That show home in the new development that the developer keeps for a few years as a model of the homes being sold off the plans? They’d be forced to sell it shortly after completion. It doesn’t make sense.

The Electricity Networks Association pointed out that key lines infrastructure often requires purchase of residential land. Any electricity distributor that is more than 25% foreign owned would have to jump through hurdles proving that the small substation servicing a new housing subdivision passed the Overseas Investment Office’s net benefits test. It is absolutely pointless and will do nothing to improve housing affordability. And it will also mess up telecommunications infrastructure in the same way.

Duncan Cotterill highlighted the case of an orchard purchased by foreigners in a sale previously approved by the Overseas Investment Office. The Kiwi manager lives on the property in a house that was part of the sale – and is now residential land owned by a foreigner. Is the owner allowed to let the manager keep living there, or does he need to tear it down? Could the owner build additional staff accommodation if the orchard expands? Is it banned altogether, or would they have to jump through hoops at the Overseas Investment Office to make repairs or alterations?

Go and read through the other submissions. It isn’t just corporations and law firms saying this is nonsense. NZIER provided an excellent summary of the issues. Nelson and Queenstown Lakes District Councils opposed the ban. Victoria University Law lecturer Eddie Clark described the implementation of the ban as “genuinely awful”.

Maybe some perfect ban on overseas ‘speculators’ that you have in your head wouldn’t have any of these problems. But that isn’t what the government has proposed. They might be able to fix some of this in the Select Committee process but a lot of it might be unfixable – we just don’t know, with legislation produced in this much haste, what other unintended consequences might follow from this broad a ban. Broad bans cannot anticipate every eventuality.

Xenophobic election campaigns lead to badly drafted legislation with stupid unintended consequences that will do real harm, and not just to foreigners.

New Zealand has to be able to do better than this.


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Britain’s foreign secretary Boris Johnson meets with New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters in the Churchill Cabinet War Rooms on April 17, 2018 in London, England. (Hannah McKay – WPA Pool/Getty Images)
Britain’s foreign secretary Boris Johnson meets with New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters in the Churchill Cabinet War Rooms on April 17, 2018 in London, England. (Hannah McKay – WPA Pool/Getty Images)

PoliticsApril 18, 2018

Guyon Espiner: What is Winston Peters’ foreign policy, anyway?

Britain’s foreign secretary Boris Johnson meets with New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters in the Churchill Cabinet War Rooms on April 17, 2018 in London, England. (Hannah McKay – WPA Pool/Getty Images)
Britain’s foreign secretary Boris Johnson meets with New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters in the Churchill Cabinet War Rooms on April 17, 2018 in London, England. (Hannah McKay – WPA Pool/Getty Images)

Journalist, broadcaster and former member of the press gallery Guyon Espiner analyses New Zealand’s foreign policy, and how it must look to outsiders, in the first of a new fortnightly column for RNZ

To outsiders New Zealand foreign policy must look like a riddle wrapped in a mystery, perhaps clear only to the enigmatic deputy prime minister and New Zealand First leader Winston Peters.

That phrase is, of course, butchered and borrowed from Winston Churchill, who was trying to decipher Russian intentions at the start of World War II.

The direction of New Zealand foreign policy under his namesake seems similarly opaque. This presents challenges for Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, in Paris and London this week, seeking to progress trade deals with the European Union (EU) and Britain.

The publicity from the trip is likely to be positive but beyond the photo-ops, what is New Zealand actually doing in foreign affairs?

Unfortunately for the PM the narrative has been blown off course by the timebomb Peters placed in the coalition agreement – his wish for a free trade deal with Russia.

It was France and Britain, two of the big stops on Ardern’s trip, who joined the US in missile strikes against the Russian-backed Syrian regime, in retaliation for gas attacks.

Against a back drop of Russian-Western conflict not seen since the Cold War, uncomfortable questions follow Ardern around Europe. Why, just weeks ago, was her country still clinging to the notion it could pursue a trade deal with Russia? Why did it take so long to drop the idea and why was it there in the first place?

There are just two bullet points relating to foreign policy in the New Zealand First-Labour coalition agreement.

One is a Cabinet minute saying National breached process in its condemnation of Israeli settlements in Palestine. The other outlines a Commonwealth economic partnership and the Russia FTA, which had been pursued by National but put on hold in 2014 after Russia’s military action in Ukraine.

The demand to re-start the deal didn’t come from a free trade champion. Peters has largely opposed FTAs, including with South Korea and China.

Why he wanted the Russia deal remains an unwrapped riddle but it does mean New Zealand’s stance on the global flash point of Russia has been second guessed at every turn.

Why did Peters cast doubt on Russia’s role in bringing down MH17 and meddling in the US elections? Why did the government insist there were no Russian spies here and buck the trend of its allies, who expelled Russian diplomats?

The questions continue after the missile strikes on Syria. While Australia’s Malcolm Turnbull and Canada’s Justin Trudeau support the strikes, New Zealand “accepts why” they occurred.

Perhaps this is what you’d expect from a coalition government with Labour at the helm. Rather than blindly follow their Five Eyes friends they seek an independent path. That line can be traced from Helen Clark’s refusal to join the Iraq War in 2003 to the actions of David Lange and Norman Kirk in protesting nuclear weapons.

In that context Ardern’s stance seems clear but when you add in New Zealand First it becomes less so. What is it that Winston Peters wants to achieve in foreign policy?

Among the first of his stated aims was improving the relationship with Australia. Given the fallout over New Zealand pressing its case to take refugees from Manus Island that looks a difficult box to tick.

Both New Zealand First and Labour opposed the TPP in opposition and then supported it in government with minor amendments. The tweaks allowed them to ban foreigners buying New Zealand houses but that breached the existing FTA with Singapore. Will Singaporeans be exempt from the ban? Peters stopped by Singapore on his way to Europe this week. Has he settled it?

And what of China? Why has the prime minister not planned a visit to our second biggest trading partner at a time when we are supposed to be upgrading the China FTA?

Will it be the job of Winston Peters to take the relationship forward? The deeper question is why he wants the job at all. The Greens chose portfolios which visibly align with their philosophies, such as climate change and conservation.

For the leader of a party called New Zealand First, which positions itself as a champion of provincial battlers, to take international affairs is a less obvious fit.

On the night he announced the government, Peters made dark noises about the failings of capitalism and the challenges facing the economy. And then he chose Foreign Affairs.

Usually that is a supporting role to the prime minister, who is the country’s real voice on foreign policy. Peters could soon hold both jobs, while Ardern takes maternity leave. Perhaps he’ll hand over foreign affairs to his under-secretary and party deputy Fletcher Tabuteau? Or maybe he’ll keep us guessing.


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