Sunrise Dawn near Whanganui
Photo: Getty

OPINIONPoliticsJuly 27, 2020

Dispatch from an alternative Aotearoa

Sunrise Dawn near Whanganui
Photo: Getty

In a week marred by parliamentarians and their neverending raru, the Alternative Aotearoa hui was a timely reminder that politics is more than what happens in the Beehive and that it is social movements that create real change, writes Laura O’Connell Rapira.

On a sunny winter day in Te-Whanganui-a-Tara, 150 or so researchers, advocates, union organisers, freshwater scientists, NGO workers, teachers, lawyers, students, councillors, dreamers and doers gathered at Pipitea Marae to talk about solutions to the biggest challenges of our time.

The event was organised by long-time political activist John Minto of Halt All Racist Tours fame and was geared toward shifting our economy to something more loving and in line with nature than the one we have now. It was also the anniversary of Hart stopping the 1981 Springbok game against Waikato in an act of solidarity with our whanaunga from a South African maunga.

Participants gather at Alternative Aotearoa. Photo by Nicole Hunt.

The 2020 New Zealander of the Year Jennifer Te Atamira Ward-Lealand and justice transformation advocate Julia Whaipooti were the MCs. The line-up was jam-packed full of folk who work tirelessly across issues of justice, health, climate, education, income and housing. With 34 speakers giving eight to 20 minute speeches each, it was an ultra-marathon of progressive and radical thought.

For the purposes of brevity and equity, I’m going to focus on the wisdom that was shared by some of the Indigenous and Pasifika speakers. In my view, they were the best and our social movements have everything to gain, and nothing to lose, if we choose to be led by Māori and Pasifika aspiration.

South Auckland councillor Efeso Collins opened the day with laughter and tears. He talked about the challenges he faces as a Samoan man on Auckland Council who navigates multiple worldviews and cultures daily. He shed tears as he shared his inauguration story where his wife and mother were asked to leave the seating area for family members of councillors, the racist assumption that a Pasifika whānau don’t belong in the VIP section.

Efeso talked about how he is driven by his pain to build a better future for his daughters. A future where they don’t experience this kind of racism and can expect to earn as much as a white man or white woman. In a country where the median Pākehā has $114,000 of net wealth and the median Pasifika person just $12,000, this vision of an inclusive and equitable future is one we should all get behind.

Tiana Jakicevich from Te Ara Whatu took the stage and reminded the jaded climate activists in the room that Indigenous people make up only five percent of the world’s total population yet we protect over 80% of the world’s biodiversity.

Unequivocally, she named that Indigenous people need “action, not empathy” and “reparation, not aid” when it comes to climate justice and sovereignty solutions. She talked about how Indigenous communities in Aotearoa are facing the damaging effects of government neglect of our taiao right now. In her hometown, 53 tupuna are being excavated from an urupā due to rising rivers and soil erosion.

She talked about the need for polluters to pay for the mess they’ve made and how in New Zealand that means getting the dairy and meat industry to contribute their fair share. Almost 50% of Aotearoa’s greenhouse gas emissions are created by the agriculture industry. Given that most dairy and meat farms are built on stolen Māori land, the link between colonisation, capitalism and climate breakdown couldn’t be more clear.

If we want to solve the twin crises of colonisation and climate breakdown, Tiana says that all decisions that affect Indigenous people need to be made by iwi, hapū and haukāinga.

Tiana pointed to Matike Mai as a governance model that we should be moving towards. Photo by Nicole Hunt.

Brooke Fiafia from Auckland Action Against Poverty talked about the need for a political and economic system that prioritises the land and each other. She shared AAAP’s aspiration that all power sources should be natural and free and we should be pushing for 100% renewable energy by 2025.

She talked about how redistribution of wealth, resources and power to communities would ensure people can have more control over their lives and futures. She said that all unpaid and voluntary work should be valued whether it’s care, community or creative. And that we need to de-commodify the essentials so that all people may enjoy secure housing, food, water, energy, health, education, public transport, internet and childcare.

Kassie Hartendorp, a community organiser at ActionStation talked about the importance of rangatiratanga, or people weaving, for creating enduring social change.

“What the union movement knows is that when you fight and win, you never forget how to fight and win,” she said. “What the Indigenous movement knows, is that our struggle is ancestral and we never do anything alone. What our researchers and academics teach us, is that we live in a man-made system that has names and methods that we can challenge. What our queer movement teaches us is that we can find and create love and joy when the world will not give it to us. What our healers teach us, is that we feel injustice in our bodies and we need to move to create change. We have so much to learn from each other, and so much to teach each other. Imagine what is possible when we are truly woven.”

Laura O’Connell Rapira addresses the crowd at Alternative Aotearoa. Photo by Nicole Hunt.

In a week that has been marred by parliamentarians and their neverending raru, the hui was a timely reminder that politics is more than what happens in the Beehive and that it is social movements that create real change. It is the web of relationships that we weave with one another and the shared vision that we paddle our waka towards that will bring to life a flourishing future for all of us.

Our job now is to weave ourselves together in imagination and action to make it happen.

Keep going!
Judith Collins says the poll, which puts Jacinda Ardern’s party over 60%, is a ‘rogue poll’
Judith Collins says the poll, which puts Jacinda Ardern’s party over 60%, is a ‘rogue poll’

OPINIONPoliticsJuly 26, 2020

This terrible poll for National may not be great news for anyone

Judith Collins says the poll, which puts Jacinda Ardern’s party over 60%, is a ‘rogue poll’
Judith Collins says the poll, which puts Jacinda Ardern’s party over 60%, is a ‘rogue poll’

Tonight’s Newshub-Reid Research poll has Labour on 60.9%, with National tumbling to a new low of 25.5%. But a giant Labour Party, governing alone, could be a nightmare of its own, argues Ben Thomas

A poll is not an ironclad predictor of the future, but a snapshot in time. Newshub’s Reid Research snapshot was taken after the former leader’s almost literal disappearance, amid the resignation of senior well-regarded MPs and the Falloon dirty texting scandal, and largely before ministerial casualty Iain Lees-Galloway. It is the polling equivalent of uploading a Tinder profile photo taken when you’ve woken up in a garbage dumpster.

It’s the party’s worst result since the catastrophic 2002 election, and another huge drop for National from the Todd Muller-led mini-comeback to 38% (in 1 News’s Colmar Brunton poll) which was polled during the government’s tumultuous week of border quarantine shambles, which have now been largely addressed under Megan Woods.

But the polling period also takes in Collins’ first major policy announcement, the ambitious $31 billion (plus or minus some fuzzy costings) transport plan for the upper North Island.

The apparent lack of impact that policy made probably vindicates the political judgment of the government’s decision to shelve, for now, $14 billion of the $20 billion Covid response funding allowed by parliament. The public may have simply become numb to the stratospheric figures being slung about since the lockdown began in March.

There were also strong fiscal and capacity reasons for holding the spending back, of course. But taking this huge potential pork barrel off the table also makes it that much harder for National and Collins to find the circuit breaker they desperately need in this campaign.

As diverting as National’s freefall is, more significantly Labour’s second (non-consecutive) poll of 60% raises the serious possibility that for the first time in the MMP era a single party may be able to govern alone after the election.

This is wretched timing for its only putative coalition partner with its head-above-water, the Greens. At the party’s campaign launch over the weekend co-leaders James Shaw and Marama Davidson unveiled a detailed 52-page policy manifesto for the first time, along with its bottom line-sounding “priorities”.

This was a signal that the Greens have learned from the influence that NZ First has wielded over Labour since installing it in power, in terms of its day-to-day influence on government decision-making. The pre-2017 model was that what the government does during a three-year term was essentially the major partner’s platform, plus specific carve-outs for the minor party negotiated after the election. Peters changed that by making the post-election deal the only fixed point, with everything else up for debate.

So just as the Greens find their spine ready for government, they may again find themselves out in the cold.

Labour’s stratospheric polling even creates problems for Ardern. The Falloon and Walker scandals – like Todd Barclay in 2017 – have focused attention on parties’ vetting of new inexperienced candidates, especially those who emerge as part of a large caucus like National’s this term. If 62 MPs, and governing alone, is a prayer that’s answered, then the potential of 77 MPs risks being a wish granted by a cursed monkey’s paw.

Labour will also need to fill 30 executive spots from its own list. A gigantic caucus isn’t going to accept the Greens and New Zealand First ministerial and executive spots just disappearing, so a Labour majority government would sub out James Shaw, Julie Anne Genter, Jan Logie, Winston Peters and Tracy Martin for – well, who exactly?

Both National and the Greens will look back for encouragement that no party has received more than 50% of the vote under MMP or even first past the post in the modern era. Even when National collapsed to 22% in 2002, Labour barely hit 40%.

However, in that election minor parties gathered a huge share of the vote, with NZ First on 10%, and Act, the Greens and United Future all hitting 6-7%. These numbers for the minnows would be unthinkable now.

New Zealand First continues to sink, falling to 2%, with Winston Peters’ hired foreign social media trolls, the so-called “Bad Boys of Brexit” seemingly adding nothing except slightly pitiful memes portraying the senior citizen as a pugilist.

Instead of National bleeding votes to alternative opposition parties like 2002, owing to the pandemic and National’s chaotic outflow of MPs for scandal and genuine retirement, Labour has managed to pull centre-right voters from the other side of the political median strip.

Its support above 45% probably remains soft. Collins’ personal ratings in the Newshub poll are much higher than Simon Bridges’ (the opposition leader approximately 6,000 years ago when Newshub conducted its last poll). National will not have given up getting those voters back, as the campaign starts to focus more on policy and post-Covid direction.

But just as with Tinder, it’s hard to start a conversation with centre-right voters if they have already swiped left.

Listen to Ben Thomas, Annabelle Lee-Mather and Toby Manhire on The Spinoff’s politics podcast Gone By Lunchtime weekly to the election here.