Israeli police officers making an arrest in East Jerusalem on May 10 (Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
Israeli police officers making an arrest in East Jerusalem on May 10 (Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

SocietyMay 14, 2021

Bulletin World Weekly: The historic tragedy of Jerusalem

Israeli police officers making an arrest in East Jerusalem on May 10 (Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
Israeli police officers making an arrest in East Jerusalem on May 10 (Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

The Bulletin World Weekly is a Spinoff newsletter covering and analysing the most important stories from around the globe. This week’s edition looks at the historic roots of the current violence sweeping through Israel, Jerusalem and Gaza. 

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The historic tragedy of Jerusalem behind the crisis in Israel

History erupts into the news cycle no more so than in Jerusalem.

The crisis triggered in Jerusalem can be seen as a chain of cause and effect dating back to the foundations of the three Abrahamic religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. It dates to the 1967 Six-Day War in which Israel claimed Jerusalem, and the 1948 declaration of the state of Israel, and what Palestinians call Al-Nakba “the catastrophe”, and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War One.

It also has current roots in Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s fragile position after another inconclusive election and his indictment on corruption charges. He’s never seen a crisis he couldn’t try to turn to his advantage, often by deploying overwhelming military power (Haaretz, paywall). Equally, the Palestinian side is riven by vicious disputes between Hamas and Palestinian Authority led by the Fatah successors to Yasser Arafat, founder of the Palestine Liberation Organisation and the face of the Palestinian struggle.

Add in Iranian influence through which Tehran can fight asymmetric war through Palestinian and probably soon Lebanese and Syrian proxies and you have an extraordinary conflagration into which locals, Israelis, Palestinians, soldiers, guerrillas, civilians, fundamentalists, extremists, and moderates all risk being drawn into.

We tell our own stories

Like an earlier column on genocide and apartheid, the crisis on the ancient streets and pre-Roman cobblestones of Jerusalem is a difficult one to describe in ways that satisfy the entrenched positions about Israel, the Palestinians, Jews, Islam, justice, and injustice.

Jerusalem is central to the stories Jews, Christians, and Muslims tell about themselves. Each religion treasures its locations and myths. Over the centuries each religion has tried at various times to assert dominance over the holy city, driving rivals out at the point of swords or pikes, or today arguably through the Israeli legal system which doesn’t recognise Palestinian claims.

A great book that tackles this history of claim, ascendency, destruction, coexistence, colonisation, and crisis is Jerusalem: The Biography, by British historian Simon Sebag Montefiore, who is part of one of the most famous Jewish families of the city.

“For 1,000 years, Jerusalem was exclusively Jewish; for about 400 years, Christian; for 1,300 years, Islamic; and not one of the three faiths ever gained Jerusalem without the sword, the mangonel or the howitzer,” Sebag Montefiore writes in the book.

It’s that understanding of the impossibility of sole ownership that has made Jerusalem a flashpoint since the foundation of Israel. It’s why most countries declined to move embassies to Jerusalem or recognise it as Israel’s capital even if that’s the reality on the ground.

Netanyahu got Donald Trump to agree to move the US embassy from Tel Aviv, a big win for Bibi and for extreme Israeli nationalists, as borne out by this quote (paywall) from Netanyahu ally Itamar Ben-Gvir of the far-right Jewish Power Party that “it is time to liberate the Temple Mount and Jerusalem, and show them who owns the house once and for all”.

A Palestinian man surveying rubble in Gaza after Israeli airstrikes, made in response to rocket attacks from Hamas (Photo: Majdi Fathi/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Before the rockets from Hamas and retaliation from the Israeli Defence Force this week, the focus was a tiny neighbourhood – a collection of a few houses and families – in east Jerusalem. Israeli courts have determined that the families who have lived there for decades are in fact occupying historically Jewish homes and must leave.

Sheikh Jarrah, that suburb and those houses and streets have been the spark that has rippled out to the most sacred ground of both Islam and Judaism: the Temple Mount to Jews and the Al Aqsa Mosque on the Haram ash-Sharif to Muslims, the third-most sacred site in Islam. It’s the platform on which the second temple stood before it was destroyed by Rome in 70 AD – leaving what Jews know as the Wailing Wall beside the Al Aqsa.

Here’s part of an explainer from the liberal Israeli newspaper Haaretz (paywall), to explain the significance of Sheikh Jarrah and those Palestinian families:

‘In 1876, Jerusalem’s Sephardic and Ashkenazi communities bought a plot of land near the tomb of Shimon Hatzaddik, a Jewish high priest from ancient times. A small Jewish neighborhood was founded on part of the land.

‘When war broke out in 1948, many people fled their homes; the vast majority were Arabs who left behind much property on the western side of the armistice line, while a minority were Jews who left behind relatively little property on the eastern side.

‘In most cases, Jewish refugees received compensation for the property they left behind. In 1956, the Jordanian government and the United Nations built 28 small homes at Sheikh Jarrah, east of the line, to house Palestinian refugees.’

Displaced Palestinians are not eligible for compensation.

Here’s an explanation from the Qatar-owned but generally straight-reporting Middle East Eye about the use of Israeli law to force evictions of Palestinians decades after the Nakba:

‘Since Israel occupied East Jerusalem in the 1967 war, Israeli settler organisations have claimed ownership of land in Sheikh Jarrah and have filed multiple successful lawsuits to evict Palestinians from the neighbourhood.

‘Four of the area’s 38 families are facing imminent eviction, while three are expected to be removed on 1 August,’ Middle East Eye reported.

Troops on sacred space

The Al Aqsa mosque and surrounds is sacred space. Former right-wing Israeli leader Ariel Sharon knew this and gambled with it when he took a heavily guarded walk around the terrace in 2000. Now Netanyahu has sent troops onto that sacred ground.

‘The riot police inside the holy sanctuary this week cross a dangerous line,’ Financial Times columnist David Gardner wrote (paywall) of the crisis in Jerusalem. ‘A conflict ostensibly over land is acquiring menacing religious overtones that encourage a collision of irreducible identities in a region with no shortage of fanatics.’

Raja Shehadeh, whose book ‘Palestinian Walks: Forays into a Vanishing Landscape’ is a poignant story of the loss of Palestinian territory, wrote in the New Yorker: ‘The Israeli government’s Jerusalem policy has become untenable. As the governments of Israel have moved further to the right, and become more influenced by hard-line settler groups, the inequities have become increasingly glaring. Deepening frustration among Palestinians has led to increased violence.’

Hamas uses Al Aqsa incursion as a trigger

Inevitably, every action requires a reaction. Palestinian protesters staged an almost visceral defence of Al Aqsa. Now the Hamas leadership that rules in the Gaza Strip has launched rockets into Israel, a classic asymmetric response, which then triggered an overwhelming military reaction from Israel that quickly clouds the original crisis in Jerusalem.

Few come out of all this innocent or good, other than the victims: Palestinian families in east Jerusalem subject of the eviction orders, or the children and civilians in Gaza, the West Bank, and Israeli towns within range of Hamas.

A hard story to read

Of course, there are critical issues with how the crisis in Jerusalem and now everywhere Palestinians and Israeli’s face each other is reported in world media.

Middle East Eye produced an effective glossary of how the news media can use words that imply some equality in scale or impact between attacks or the motives of each side. Writer Alex MacDonald noted: ‘Few topics can stir up powerful emotions more than relations between Israel and Palestine, and the use of language relating to the situation is hotly contested.’ He went on to look at “clashes”, “extremists”, “Zionists”, and even “Islam”.

BuzzFeed reported that Instagram wrongly took down content with an Al Aqsa hashtag because it had triggered some association with words related to terrorism.

I found this podcast from The Economist with an interview with its Israel correspondent Anshel Pfeffer valuable. Pfeffer tweets at @anshelpfeffer. The BBC’s Middle East editor Jeremy Bowen wrote this solid explainer.

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Keep going!
Johan Steyn and his family, whom he hasn’t seen in 14 months (Photo: Supplied)
Johan Steyn and his family, whom he hasn’t seen in 14 months (Photo: Supplied)

SocietyMay 13, 2021

‘If you want to torture somebody, this is what you do’: Immigrants plead for end to family separation

Johan Steyn and his family, whom he hasn’t seen in 14 months (Photo: Supplied)
Johan Steyn and his family, whom he hasn’t seen in 14 months (Photo: Supplied)

When the borders closed in March 2021, immigrants who were cut off from their families never imagined they’d still be waiting to be reunited more than a year later. Now many are at their breaking point, they tell Branko Marcetic.

Despite all the worries that had driven Johan and Sumari Steyn to leave South Africa, neither had used medication to cope with the stress. Nor had Johan ever spent more than two weeks apart from his family.

That’s all changed since last year. Today Johan, 47 and a civil engineer, is just one of the thousands of New Zealand visa holders, residents and citizens living with the anxiety of being separated from their partners and children more than a year after the New Zealand border closed. For 14 months, they’ve waited to learn when and how they’ll be reunited with their loved ones, and for 14 months the government has dodged the issue. Now migrants are tired of waiting.

On Wednesday evening, migrants, immigration activists, and unionists gathered across the country — in Auckland, Christchurch, Hamilton, Queenstown and Wellington — to call for action from the government on a host of demands. Those include detaching work visas from employers, giving residency to migrants already in the country, and putting more funding into Immigration New Zealand to end visa processing delays.

Maybe most urgently, they demand that migrants and New Zealanders be reunited with family members still stranded overseas since last year, and that those locked out of the country by bad timing be finally let through the border. And if the government doesn’t listen, they’re prepared to turn up the volume until it does.


Read more:

Frustrated, forgotten and trapped: The families forced apart by NZ border policy


Johan Steyn’s story is by now a familiar one. Having just barely squeaked through the closing doors of the border, he went straight into lockdown with no income for more than a month. After initially being given what he calls “false hope” from Immigration New Zealand (INZ) they’d let families through case by case, he says, what followed was a year of stonewalling.

He and Sumari spent untold hours on hold with immigration, only sometimes getting through. By November, they’d sold all their South African assets, including their home and two businesses. Through racked with anxiety over his family’s safety — besides a rampaging virus, he says, they had to stay in a bed and breakfast near a dangerous area — they were repeatedly rejected for border exemption, told that “humanitarian grounds” meant only matters of life and death.

By the end of 2020, after running two households on a single income for months, they were feeling the financial sting. In New Zealand, Johan was refused a credit card because he was only a visa holder. In South Africa, with no more assets to her name, Sumari couldn’t take out a loan.

He says they’ve spent the majority of their life savings now. And his daughters are struggling. His eldest has seen her grades suffer, while his youngest was told by her classmates her dad would find another wife while he was gone. All the while, hopes raised by the government’s serial assurances that things would happen soon have been repeatedly dashed.

“If you want to torture somebody for a year and a half, you do to them what they did to us,” Johan says.

Over the past year, I’ve heard countless stories like Johan’s. There’s Dewald Loedolff, 44, separated from his wife and young son since December 2019 by cosmically bad luck: the immigration officer on their case unexpectedly went on leave, delaying their son’s visa, which was finally approved the same day the border closed. When I spoke to him in March, he told me his family had been rejected for border exemption five times at $45 per application, and his letters to the prime minister had gone unanswered. He had been sending $800 a month to his wife, who had quit her job as a dental hygienist and was staying with his parents, together with their seven-year-old.

“Every night he cries,” he said about his son, who told his mother he’d never see his father again.

Or there’s Jackie*, a South African social worker who sold everything thinking that, as a skilled worker, she could eventually bring her husband and adult son over. Instead, they fell into a “very long limbo period,” her family renting a house and living out of boxes, doing what they could to get by. When we spoke, she was labouring under the stress of thousands of dollars worth of immigration expenses, the fear of her family falling victim to a pandemic-driven spike in crime, and being cut off from their support.

“How your relationship is is very important to [INZ],” she told me. “And yet it’s been violated and not recognised since last year.”

The Steyn family remotely celebrate a birthday (Photo: Supplied)

It’s Kafkaesque ordeals like these that yesterday brought around 150 people to Aotea Square on a rainy Auckland night. While migrants from India and South Africa have been particularly hard hit by the border closure, those who attended came from all over: Ireland, Argentina, the Philippines and many more.

These migrants say the family separations and standings of the Covid border closure are just new versions of long-running injustices caused by immigration policy, and accuse successive governments of widening the pool of temporary migrants while making it increasingly hard for them to settle. Employment of temporary migrants grew nearly 500% from 2001-09, and has grown every year since, reaching 200,000 people in 2020. Residence approvals, meanwhile, were only 47,600 — barely more than the 44,598 approved two decades earlier.

Robert, 47, spoke through tears about his own struggle with the system. Told, “We need people like you” by New Zealand immigration officials years earlier, he took them up on their word and obtained a work-to-residence visa. Since then, he estimated he’d spent around $150,000 to secure residence for himself and his family, only for INZ to delay and reject what feel like endless applications. As a further kick in the teeth, his wife and children have been stranded since making the “fatal mistake” of returning to Switzerland on holiday just before lockdown. Unable to enrol in the schools there, his kids have lost a year of education, and he’s unsure what to do.

“Be fair to us,” he pleaded.

Parag, 28, an accounts manager for a logistics company, faces a similar situation on his work-to-residence visa, and said he was on the verge of quitting his job and leaving over the difficulties his wife was having in emigrating before the pandemic. With similar delays and uncertainty in his own case, he wondered how he’s supposed to plan for a family. Both he and Robert feel used by a system that told them they were wanted, then pulled the rug out.

“I feel like I’ve been bullshitted by them from the start,” said Robert.

Last night’s Queenstown vigil in support of migrants and the families they’re separated from (Photo: Sher Singh Manakdheri via Migrant Workers Association of Aotearoa/Facebook)

Fixing the myriad injustices like these in New Zealand’s immigration system is going to take substantial time, effort and investment. But for now, the very least the government could do is end the trauma it’s inflicting on children and families with its inaction on split families.

Johan says he knows people who have left the country, while he’s had to talk others out of it. While his relationship has weathered the past 14 months, he’s not so sure about others.

“I think they’ve ruined marriages,” he says of INZ.

That night, I caught up with David Louw, another skilled South African immigrant who had sold everything to start a new life in New Zealand, only for his family to be stranded at the last minute and left effectively homeless. When I talked to him in December, he was worried for his family, but looked forward to them eventually arriving. Now, he’s in the final stages of a divorce. And while he doesn’t entirely blame Covid, what he’s endured over the past year took its toll.

“I’ve changed,” he remembers telling his wife. “I’m not who I was.”

* Following publication of this story, The Spinoff learned that Jackie has resigned from her job and is going back home to South Africa. “The situation has become too intolerable for me, and the waiting as well,” she said.