Three images of Shane Jones wearing orange reflective safety vests and white hard hats against the background of an open-pit mining site
Shane Jones hearts mining (Photos: NZ First Twitter; additional design Tina Tiller)

OPINIONPoliticsJune 4, 2024

Shane Jones’ pro-mining culture war risks destroying the industry he loves

Three images of Shane Jones wearing orange reflective safety vests and white hard hats against the background of an open-pit mining site
Shane Jones hearts mining (Photos: NZ First Twitter; additional design Tina Tiller)

The resources minister is creating a polarised debate where you’re either in favour of drilling and mining for everything, or you’re a woke climate alarmist. It’s going to backfire, argues Sefton Darby.

Almost 10 years ago a group of senior mining execs, government officials and the then minister of energy and Resources Simon Bridges gathered in a small beige meeting room in a large beige hotel in Hamilton. The meeting was happening on the sidelines of what passed for the New Zealand mining industry’s annual conference. I can relate what follows because at the time I was the national manager of minerals at MBIE, with responsibility for the impossible combination of both regulating and promoting the sector.

Bridges asked the execs what was troubling them the most. Excessive regulation or tax – no. Low commodity prices – also no. What was really distressing the mining industry, it seemed, was that people didn’t understand them. And the fact that people didn’t understand them was making their jobs all but impossible.

The cause of this “lack of understanding” had been Gerry Brownlee’s disastrous proposal to open up protected conservation land to minerals exploration. The proposal had led to such a massive public backlash that it caused the government to completely back down. That backlash meant getting any new mining project up and running was very difficult in the years following; the investment climate for mining became – ironically – much more challenging under National. 

A protest against the government’s proposal to open up conservation land for mining in Auckland in 2010 (Photo: Hannah Peters/Getty Images)

Fast-forward to today and the question is this: is Shane Jones trying to make the same mistake? Is he, in being so pro-mining, at risk of creating the backlash that will destroy the industry?

By 2017 the Ardern government was very clearly saying there would be no more exploration for oil and gas, very little new mining and certainly not anywhere within a whiff of the conservation estate. And given that the Department of Conservation manages almost one third of New Zealand, everywhere is within a whiff of conservation land. 

Around this time I published a short book on the oil and mining debate in New Zealand . The cover quote of the book is “Everyone is angry around here and everyone is kind of right” – which is still an accurate reflection of the debate today. 

The book tried to find a middle ground in the debate, which it must’ve done because it generated both a thunderous denunciation by former Green MP Catherine Delahunty as well as some anonymous hand-written hate mail from someone on the West Coast condemning my anti-mining views. By the time the book was launched it was treated as a bit of curiosity by a lot of people because – to sum up the average conversation that I had with anyone in Wellington – “we don’t really do oil or mining any more, do we?”

The pendulum has now inevitably swung. Shane Jones launched the government’s minerals strategy in May on the West Coast, a place he described in his social media as having been “rudely abandoned by woke-riddled climate alarmism”. The first key action in that strategy: pass the Fast-track Approvals Bill. The bill has a few issues. 

Recent Shane Jones and NZ First posts on X/Twitter

In my current job I work for a company that analyses and models data on what communities think and feel about companies or entire industries. We can put a number on whether there is “trust” or not.

The mix of factors that make or break trust varies from community to community, industry to industry and country to country, but in mining communities there are two drivers of trust that we see pretty often. The first is regulation. Communities have higher levels of trust in companies if they are confident they are well regulated; there are red lines; that someone will hold companies to account. 

The second factor is perceived procedural fairness – do companies listen to and act on community concerns; are communities able to be involved in decisions that impact them; are the ways decisions are made transparent and fair? The proposed fast-track legislation seems to run pretty hard against both of these factors.

The problem with Jones’ hyperbole-filled culture war on behalf of the mining industry is that it creates a highly polarised debate where you are either in favour of drilling and mining for everything, or you’re a “woke, riddled munchkin who wants to fry eggs on solar panels” (Jones’ social media is a treat). 

The reality is more nuanced. I have plenty of friends who are woke-riddled climate alarmists, and a few of them work for mining companies. In reality, energy transition to address climate change will require a lot more of some mines (copper for electrification of everything) and a lot less of others (coal). There will be plenty of potential mining locations the government shouldn’t even consider touching, and others where it might work so long as credible and responsible companies do the work. Mining isn’t a yes/no equation – it’s about what’s being extracted, and where, how, and who is doing the extracting. 

The “who” is worth keeping an eye on. A decade ago there was a pretty steady parade of cowboy companies (and their lobbyists and lawyers) who made their way through the then minister’s office, and a few of those cowboys are back chomping at the fast-track bit. As Bryce Edwards notes, the lack of transparency and perceived conflicts of interest by decision-making ministers is going to be a major issue. 

I still work with some mining companies today and it’s an industry that is pretty obsessed with risk assessments. So here’s a two-point assessment for the New Zealand mining industry. Firstly – will it be easier to get a mine approved in New Zealand? Probably “yes” in the short term, but probably “no” in the long term because the fast-track legislation is so extreme it’s hard to see it surviving a change of government. That’s a real problem for an industry that takes decades to explore for and develop a mine.

Secondly – what are the risks to communities and companies alike? High – because you can’t legislate people’s voices out of the equation; communities potentially impacted by mining will find a way. The backlash is inevitably coming, and that will pull the pendulum hard back in the other direction. 

Sefton Darby is a Sydney-based consultant who has worked across industry, government and for NGOs working on transparency and good governance issues.

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Protesters march down Queen Street in Auckland on budget day  (Photo by Phil Walter/Getty Images)
Protesters march down Queen Street in Auckland on budget day (Photo by Phil Walter/Getty Images)

ĀteaMay 31, 2024

What’s funded and what’s cut for Māori in Budget 2024

Protesters march down Queen Street in Auckland on budget day  (Photo by Phil Walter/Getty Images)
Protesters march down Queen Street in Auckland on budget day (Photo by Phil Walter/Getty Images)

Ātea editor Liam Rātana breaks down the budget allocations for Māori initiatives.

The budget has delivered a mixed bag for Maōri, who are not mentioned once in the three priority areas, accounting for 50% of the budget.

“Today’s budget is pathetic, underwhelming and lazy,” said Greens co-leader Marama Davidson in a release. 

A working couple with no children and no superannuation, earning the median Māori income of $50,238 for the year ended June 2023, will receive $70.13 per fortnight, totaling $1,823.50 per year in tax cuts. In contrast, a couple earning the median non-Māori income of $60,790 for the same period, under identical conditions, will receive $101.50 per fortnight. This is approximately 1.4 times the tax cuts of the median working Māori couple.

Protesters outside the railway station in Wellington on budget day (Photo: Alice Soper)

Maybe good?

Early childhood education providers will receive $191m for staff, teaching materials, property maintenance and food costs in the light of rising costs. A portion of this will go towards a new initiative assisting kōhanga reo with property maintenance and upgrade cost pressures. With $3m increase a year, this will increase the yearly funding of kōhanga by 57% to $8.3m.

Parents and caregivers of children in early childhood education will be eligible for a partial reimbursement of their fees, up to a maximum fortnightly payment of $150. Reimbursements will be made quarterly, as a lump sum. However, the opposition was critical of the administrative burden this would place on kōhanga reo and how the changes would impact whānau Māori.

“I’m wondering what that [administration work] costs our ECE providers, particularly kōhanga reo who are already struggling for money and if those costs will be passed on to our families who wish to put their tamariki in to ECE,” Peeni Henare said in the house this morning.

National kapa haka festival Te Matatini has received $48m over three years, assisting with the continued development of its regional development model. Finance minister Nicola Willis said the boost would help all New Zealanders join in the ongoing revitalisation of te reo Māori and Māori culture. Te Pāti Māori co-leader Rawiri Waititi highlighted that the amount was $1m, or approximately 5% less than what Labour gave Te Matatini in Budget 2023 appropriations. “You’re proud of that? It’s a decrease,” Waititi said during the budget debate in parliament.

Whānau Ora will receive $600,000 more to spend on non-government commissioning agencies, a 0.33% increase from $181.7m to $182.3m for the coming fiscal year. However, $1m will be taken out of the organisation’s departmental expenses for the same period.

Te Māngai Pāho will receive $66m for the promotion of te reo Māori and Māori culture in 2024/25, the same allocation it received in Budget 2023.

“We are very grateful that in these constrained economic times the government has been able to maintain the current level of funding for Te Māngai Pāho. This is particularly important not only for te reo Māori but also the wider media sector with both TVNZ and Discovery NZ recently announcing major cuts in local content production,” said Larry Parr, Kaihautū o Te Māngai Pāho in a release.

The $1.2bn Regional Infrastructure Fund is expected to benefit iwi throughout the regions. Over the next three years, the fund will invest in new and existing infrastructure across regional Aotearoa, focusing on economic and climate resilience. While stopbanks and seawalls have been a focus of commentary on the fund so far, infrastructure ancillary to focus industries such as aquaculture and mining are expected to also be a priority.

Kōhanga Reo, or ‘language nests’, are early childhood education delivered in te reo Māori.

Maybe bad?

Approximately $40m of funding for new supply and capability of Māori housing has been cut, returning unallocated funding. Funding for rangatahi transitional housing has seen $20m of its unallocated funding returned to the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development. There was a commitment in the budget to build 1,500 new homes through the community housing sector.

Funding available for Matariki events will decrease by 45% to $3m per annum. This will likely mean fewer public events around the country and lower visibility of kaupapa honouring the occasion.

The Secretariat for Te Pae Roa, the independent Ministerial Advisory Group, has been disestablished creating savings of $4m per annum.

Te Ringa Hāpai Whenua Fund has been cut, ceasing the programme which provided on-going support to whenua Māori landowners. The government says support will instead be provided through other mechanisms such as the Whenua Māori Fund administered by Te Puni Kōkiri.

The Hapori Māori Data Capability programme is being significantly scaled back.

Mātauranga-a-iwi qualification focussed Te Kawa Matakura has been effectively disestablished. The qualification was for people who wished to develop in-depth knowledge of mātauranga ā-iwi within a general Māori worldview but in a specialist hapū and iwi context. It received initial funding of $2.8m and first ran in Te Tai Tokerau in 2020 but has since had low participation rates.

Grant funding for the Aotearoa Reorua (Bilingual Towns and Cities) Programme has been reduced by more than half. Annual funding will be reduced by 64%, or $700,000, leaving approximately $400,000 of funding per year for councils, businesses, groups and individuals interested in adopting bilingual or te reo Māori signage in their spaces.

The Climate Resilience for Māori initiative has had its funding completely cut. Funding for Mātauranga Māori-based approaches to reducing agricultural emissions has been scrapped. All uncommitted funding from the initiative will be returned and will contribute $37 million in savings for the Ministry of Primary Industries over four years.

This is Public Interest Journalism funded by NZ On Air.