Image: Archi Banal
Image: Archi Banal

OPINIONPoliticsOctober 4, 2023

Why I’m voting for climate as a disabled person

Image: Archi Banal
Image: Archi Banal

For disabled voters, voting for climate is an act of trust. One I think we have to make anyway.

The conversation starts out the way I expect when I’m out being disabled in public. The guy – non-disabled – has sat down opposite me in the cafe because there was no space anywhere and I’m alone. I said it was fine and it was. He wants to introduce himself. Fine. He wants to ask about my wheelchair, about getting around in this city. OK. So far just questions that fall into the usual satisfaction-of-curiosity category.

No, I say, I don’t think this city is easily accessible. Maybe I tell him about the small number of taxis able to take a wheelchair that mean we have to plan our lives to the letter? Maybe mention the inconsistency of paving and curb cuts you have to hunt for? Maybe that for the past two years on my birthday another wheelchair user friend and I have taken the bus home together and considered it a birthday gift from the universe that one of us doesn’t have to wait in the cold alone for the next ride? 

There are many choice examples and many conversations like this. I can’t remember what I say this time. Whichever answer I give him, he is sympathetic and now this seems like a mutual discussion on how to get change. He mentions the cycleway. Terrible idea to have one around here, he thinks, particularly for disabled people. 

I see his point about the difficulty of crossing a bike lane safely in a wheelchair. I see his point about limited space for mobility car parks. But I’m pro-planet, pro-climate action and this is one part of changing the ecosystems of our cities. It is not the whole picture but part of it. I clarify that even though I can’t use them, I’m pro-cycleway. The conversation stalls like a car with a drained battery. He gets up and walks out. I blink, sip my coffee, unrecruited, and realise he never shared his name. 

I have failed to fit into the disabled archetype he needs.The abrupt end to this conversation is a failure of nuance. What frustrates me is I want the conversation about accessible cities he was trying to have. I want action for our climate too. I also want disabled dignity. In my life these things can’t simply be pitted against each other; they belong together. 

I have seen this happen before. Disabled people asking to be considered in political discussion only to find their needs and political views simplified to fit either side of the debate. I have seen us portrayed as victims of moving toward a less car dependent world as well as seen our reliance on cars being under-acknowledged and similarly the saviours of plastic straws. As we did away with Covid restrictions, the impact on our lives was underplayed while those of us who couldn’t mask for medical reasons were vilified and lumped in with those people calling for freedom for freedom’s sake. 

It is frustrating to find your daily needs being righteously debated by people who can choose to opt in and out of the fight for accessibility overall as on an issue by issue basis. It puts disabled people in a reactionary position, reminding the systems around us to remember us but unable to set an agenda. 

Our electoral system itself has accessibility issues, privacy issues around voting independently as a blind person on a paper ballot, physical access barriers to polling stations, the need for more accessible information about voting processes, through to a small number of disabled members of parliament in our representative democracy. Without being seen as a strong constituency our needs are earmarked “nice-to-have”. 

The failure to centre accessibility as a mainstream political issue means that disabled people become convenient illustrative examples of  “good” and “bad” on any given issue rather than people with complex and competing needs. If we had access we could have these conversations. 

In this reality, where access is consistently under-prioritised, I can see why disabled people who have voting access might look to policies that meet their immediate survival needs rather than long term change. I can see where this might look like not including climate change as the issue to vote on. For disabled voters, voting for climate is an act of trust. One I think we have to make anyway. 

I will be voting for climate because disabled people are already being hit by the impacts of climate change. One clear example for me is the man whose wheelchair was damaged in the Auckland flooding and then found himself reclassified under Ministry guidelines, no longer qualifying for a replacement. I worry that disabled people will continue to face a double struggle like this as we continue to be left out of thinking around the climate crisis. In the wake of climate disasters, we will also have to fight for our basic disability needs to be met. 

Those we vote in on this basis will need to remember this, remember us and the diversity of our lives in the action they take. 

‘He mea tautoko nā ngā mema atawhai. Supported by our generous members.’
Liam Rātana
— Ātea editor
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From left to right: Chlöe Swarbrick, Simon O’Connor and Carmel Sepuloni, three of the four participants of this election’s only arts policy debate. (Image Design: Tina Tiller)
From left to right: Chlöe Swarbrick, Simon O’Connor and Carmel Sepuloni, three of the four participants of this election’s only arts policy debate. (Image Design: Tina Tiller)

PoliticsOctober 4, 2023

The only arts policy debate of the campaign wasn’t a debate at all

From left to right: Chlöe Swarbrick, Simon O’Connor and Carmel Sepuloni, three of the four participants of this election’s only arts policy debate. (Image Design: Tina Tiller)
From left to right: Chlöe Swarbrick, Simon O’Connor and Carmel Sepuloni, three of the four participants of this election’s only arts policy debate. (Image Design: Tina Tiller)

The campaign’s only debate around arts policy was just a bleak reminder of how little the major parties prioritise arts, culture and heritage, writes Sam Brooks.

On a rainy Monday night in Onehunga, the sole debate around arts, culture and heritage policies was held. At the newly opened Factory Theatre, MC Richard Green shepherded current MPs and one parliamentary hopeful through two hours of genial discussion about the current state of the arts, and the panel’s largely agreeable opinions on them, with scant mentions of policy throughout. So less a debate and more of a conversation.

One of those hopefuls was the Labour Party’s Carmel Sepuloni, deputy prime minister and minister for arts, culture and heritage, having held the role since the 2020 election. She’s overseen the portfolio through times where all three aspects of that portfolio have been in the media a disproportionate amount. 

Sepuloni asserted herself fairly well, as she often does in these situations, despite having five portfolios (and indeed, when asked about achievements, she pointed this fact out). It’s perhaps telling that the public’s lethargy around talking about Covid-19 at all meant that she was left bringing up how that injection was crucial to keeping the sector afloat, as a recent story about the Court Theatre bleakly reveals. Also telling, more about the audience than the people onstage, was how little fanfare the passing of the Artist Resale Royalty Bill got. A massive achievement for the portfolio, in the making since Judith Tizard was in parliament. The two men in black t-shirts in front of me shrugged when this was brought up.

An awkward moment occurred when Green asked after Labour’s arts, culture and heritage policy, not realising it had been released just the day before as part of their 77 page manifesto. In fairness to Green, it takes up just a quarter of page 69 (nice). In fairness to Sepuloni, the policy mentions exploring an Aotearoa Arts Strategy, which would be the first national policy for arts in the country for decades. Unfairly for us all, it was announced 13 days before the likely end of her time as the minister for arts, culture and heritage.

A gathering at the St James.
Chlöe Swarbrick, Carmel Sepuloni and Steve Bielby at the St James, earlier this year. (Photo: Chris Schulz)

The Green Party’s Chlöe Swarbrick, stepping back into the role of arts, culture and heritage spokesperson again after a reshuffle post-election, was equipped with a robust, months-old policy and the highest words-per-minute rate onstage. Swarbrick hammered on the points that I remembered from this same debate, hosted via Zoom, back in 2020: the need for an artist’s wage and the need to desegregate arts funding from gambling.

The Department of Internal Affairs currently administers nearly half of all lottery profits to three statutory bodies: Creative New Zealand, Sport New Zealand, and the New Zealand Film Commission, under which comes Ngā Taonga Sound & Vision. Around $300m from gaming machines is parcelled out to various sports, arts, recreation and community groups.

Before the debate, I decided I would go to the closest spot available for a drink and to do some research on what policies were actually available. As I sat in the corner with my $7 wine, knowing in the back of my brain that at some point that money might have come from one grant or another, I looked over at five pokie machines, each with a person attending it, at 6pm on a Monday night. 

There was a bleak, invisible line between the pokie machines and me. The uncomfortable link between gambling and the arts was mentioned during this equivalent debate three years ago, when it was highlighted how many millions are poured from the pockets of the vulnerable into the bank accounts of our biggest arts institutions, then handed out piecemeal to artists, vulnerable in a very different way. An ouroboros starving itself while eating itself. 

This uncomfortable tension was mentioned later on Monday night, in fact, by the same person who brought it up three years ago (Swarbrick). Since then, the community, the industry, the sector, however you want to name it today, has talked about it too. They’ve talked about it in theatres, galleries, foyers, often over too many free wines. How little of it reached the people that mattered.

Three years ago, Sepuloni said that the Labour Party “wasn’t in a place” to shift from that funding model. It seems that, regardless of what happens on October 14, it won’t be in a place anytime soon.

Onehunga’s Factory Theatre, the location of Monday night’s debate. (Photo: Kete Aronui)

Simon O’Connor was there as the National Party spokesperson. He admitted that National did not have an arts, culture and heritage policy at the moment, due to not “having the bandwidth”. The time of Chris Finlayson, a true National Party advocate for the arts, is well and truly over, it seems. 

While his most memorable moment might’ve been referring to Winston Peters as Voldemort, he managed to get across his one talking point eloquently – the importance for neurotypical children to have access to arts, culture and creativity experiences in schools for their wellbeing. Not a policy, but what kind of monster would be against that? (Admittedly, there were some parties that did not accept the invitation for this event.)

Finally there was Ciara Swords of TOP, armed with a really game attitude and detailed knowledge of the few pillar policies that TOP is campaigning on, but just in case that knowledge failed her, the A4s in her lap wouldn’t. Like O’Connor, she freely admitted where her blind spots were, but was able to identify where TOP’s policies could benefit artists as well, because, spoiler: artists are people too. 

Often, it felt like the conversation was beneath actual policy and rested more in individual grievance – a question about a specific project being funded by MCH found Sepuloni on familiar ground, explaining patiently that she is not responsible for each agency’s individual decisions, while the potshots at the amount of funding that sports and recreation receive compared to arts and culture felt of a bygone era. (You only have to look at the Stop the Cuts campaign to see how advocacy for all four areas works to the benefit of the many.)

I’ll be honest: It was depressing. Not just as a journalist sitting there and hearing the same issues I’d heard talked about three years ago in this very same debate, but as an artist, whose sometimes livelihood and often wellbeing is dictated by arts policy.

The party currently in government has a quarter of a page in a 77-page manifesto dedicated to arts policy, taking up less space than the tray of sliders Chris Hipkins is genially loading up on page six. The biggest party in opposition doesn’t have an arts, culture and heritage policy at all, but their representative has thoughts, which is a very low bar to clear! Two parties have actual, robust arts, culture and heritage policies – Act and Green – and only the latter showed up. The rest didn’t even deign to attend.

This wasn’t a debate. This was a conversation from several years ago, put in the microwave and left to dry out. 

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Lyric Waiwiri-Smith
— Politics reporter