Gender breakdown of presumed government after the 2020 and 2023 elections
Gender breakdown of presumed government after the 2020 and 2023 elections

PoliticsNovember 6, 2023

A National/Act/NZ First government would mean a whole lot of men in charge (again)

Gender breakdown of presumed government after the 2020 and 2023 elections
Gender breakdown of presumed government after the 2020 and 2023 elections

While parliament itself will see small drops in minority representation, the presumed government has some much bigger gaps.

After the 2020 election, there were headlines around the world celebrating the diversity milestones of our new parliament. First was the record number of female MPs (“nearly half”). Then there was the fact that parliament was 10% rainbow (or 12 MPs), a world record at the time. There were MELAA (Middle Eastern/Latin American/African) MPs and a record number of Pacific MPs (11). In government, most of those percentages stayed the same, or even increased.

So how are things looking now with a new set of MPs and a new government on the horizon? We’ve set a new record with a 123-seat parliament so that’s a start. But some of the other numbers aren’t looking so flash.

Disclaimer 1: These percentages are based off 122 MPs. It is expected that National’s Nancy Lu will be an MP after the Waikato byelection.

Disclaimer 2: The 2020 data is based off the results of the 2020 election, not the most recent parliamentary makeup (after MP resignations and byelections).

Disclaimer 3: Ethnicities and sexual orientation have been collected from previously reported data and individual reporting on MPs. There may be MPs who don’t publicly identify a certain way so that would not be reflected in the data.

Gender

Thanks to the inevitable shuffling of MPs and various scandals, in November 2022, women held the majority of seats in parliament for the first time in history. That majority lasted just 10 months (or, one pregnancy that’s very overdue).

From the 2023 results, women will make up 45.1% of MPs in the coming term. Were National, Act and NZ First to form a government, women would make up just 34.5% of it. That number would increase ever so slightly with the addition of Nancy Lu. But not by 15%. National in particular has far fewer women than men in its caucus.

Māori

There are about 30% more Māori in parliament now than there were after the 2020 election. Despite National (who had a whole one Māori MP after the last election) having the largest share of votes in 2023, the number of Māori MPs in parties has risen across the board except for Labour.

Te Pāti Māori added four new MPs this year, NZ First brings in three Māori MPs, Greens added three and National ended up with five as of today (note: Paul Goldsmith is not Māori). Labour's Māori caucus has dropped from 16 to nine (a bit more on that later).

Pacific

It's really not looking good for Pacific representation this term. After a record 11 MPs in 2020 (10 from Labour and therefore also in government), there are six in total this year. A large drop but not devastating. What is devastating is that in a National/Act/NZ First government, there would be zero Pacific MPs and one party that wants to abolish the Ministry for Pacific Peoples entirely. Will Judith Collins become the minister for Pacific peoples again? At the moment, she's the closest thing to an actual Pacific person in government.

LGBTQIA+

Aotearoa proudly waved its rainbow flag and celebrated being the most rainbow parliament in the world in 2020. In 2023, not so much. After a record 12 rainbow MPs, this year has seen just five in parliament and just one in the assumed government. Pour one out for Act's Todd Stephenson.

Since 2020, not one, not two, not three but four queer Māori women left their parties in dramatic fashion. Louisa Wall, Meka Whaitiri and Kiri Allan all departed Labour as senior members of the party. And Elizabeth Kerekere left the Greens ranked number three on the list. None of them have returned to parliament in this election (only Whaitiri stood for reelection) and one can't help but wonder what it is that led to such a coincidence of every single queer Māori woman leaving within 18 months of each other.

These categories are certainly not the only markers of diversity. There are very few disabled politicians or working class MPs, for example. But this quick audit offers a clue as to whose voices will be loudest (or even present) when decisions on the country's future are made.

Keep going!
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PoliticsNovember 4, 2023

A better visual breakdown of the 2023 election results [updated]

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The usual way electoral results maps are presented can be deceiving, over-emphasising large but sparsely populated rural areas and under-emphasising densely populated ones. Here’s another way to make sense of 2023’s election results.

This analysis was updated on 3 November to reflect the final results, following special votes. 

The above map gives us a better impression of how New Zealand votes than the traditional geographic map does alone, as we showed last election. It is easier to see how our communities are balanced, and how they compare to the country as a whole. 

Before we break down the results, let’s recap how this hexamap adds to our understanding of the political landscape.

The geographic electorate map

We can view the results from election night on the geographic map of New Zealand. This is important for seeing who won which electorates. 

However, it can be misleading: the large rural electorates are visually emphasised, and the densely-populated urban areas are obscured, even though they all contain the same amount of people. For example, all 31 Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch electorates could comfortably fit into Southland or West Coast-Tasman.

The electorate hexamap

Instead, the map below turns each of the 72 electorates into sets of 5 equally-sized hexagons. By presenting the electorates as the same size, we can get a better sense of proportions. 

This “hexamap reflects the equal power of each electorate, and lets us display the political results more accurately. It retains the general shape of the country, and tries to keep each electorate in a similar position relative to its neighbours. 

To help identify the electorates, I’ve labelled the ones with medium-sized cities, and a few of the Auckland electorates. For example, expanding Auckland (due to its large population) pushes Hamilton further south, and Tauranga east; whereas the sprawling West Coast-Tasman shrinks to the corner of the South Island. 

Electorate hexamap – candidate vote

First, we can colour the hexamap to show the winners in each electorate. (We’ll look at the party vote further below.) 

While the major two parties still won the vast majority of electorates (85% of these seats); this election saw the most electorates won by third parties ever (3 by the Greens, 2 by Act, and 6 by Te Pāti Māori). And it was the first time that any third party won more than a single seat outside the Māori electorates.

While they trailed on election night, Phil Twyford and Rachel Boyack pulled Te Atatū and Nelson back onto Labour’s side by 0.4% and 0.1% (30 votes!), respectively. Helen White also kept Labour’s hold on Mt Albert by 0.1% (20 votes!).

However, special votes also flipped two Labour seats to Te Pāti Māori: Mariameno Kapa-Kingi won Te Tai Tokerau by 1.9%, and Takutai Tarsh Kemp won Tāmaki Makaurau by just 4 votes!

In total, 52% of candidates (37 out of 71*) won with a plurality (<50% of the vote). This includes 13 of the 21 seats flipped by National, and 6 of the 8 seats flipped by the third parties.

*The Port Waikato electorate had no electorate votes counted after a candidate died shortly before the election, which is why that electorate is greyed out. 

Electorate hexamap – party vote (total vote)

Second, we can show the combined votes of the left (Labour, Greens, and Te Pāti Māori) versus those on the right (National, Act and NZ First). This analysis excludes the vote share of other third parties outside parliament. 

In 2020, 62.3% of the vote was won by parties in government (Labour, Green and NZ First), versus 36.2% to the opposition (National, Act and Te Pāti Māori). This count included the NZ First vote as part of the government due to their 2017 coalition agreement, though they fell below the 5% threshold at the 2020 election. 

After the 2023 results were finalised, however, the Left received 44% while the Right got 56%, with NZ First returning to Parliament. This was a significant shift to the Right, with those parties winning more of the collective vote than the Left in 49 out of 72 electorates. 2023 also saw the third highest share of the vote for third parties under MMP (with 35% of voters choosing a party other than National or Labour).

Compared to the initial count, the special votes reduced the Right’s margin by 3%. As a result, National lost 2 seats and Greens picked up a seat, with two overhang seats for Te Pāti Māori (who won 2 electorates seats more than their share of the overall party vote would otherwise entitle them to).

Electorate hexamap – party vote (relative lean)

Finally, we can also use the hexamp to illustrate the political balance of the country. We do this by comparing the combined votes of the left and the right parties to the country as a whole. It’s a similar picture to 2020 (with most changes simply reflecting shifts among the two blocs, such as NZ First’s votes having exited the coalition government with the left parties after 2020). 

Whangaparāoa was the most right-leaning electorate (giving 19.4% more of its votes to parties on the Right compared to the country as a whole); while Māngere was the most left-leaning general electorate (voting 30.3% to the Left), and Ikaroa-Rāwhiti the most left-leaning Māori electorate (47.7% to the Left).

Maungakiekie was the electorate that most closely voted like New Zealand as a whole: it gave about the same level of support to left and right parties as the country did overall.