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Photo: Alfonso Cacciola/Getty
Photo: Alfonso Cacciola/Getty

PoliticsOctober 14, 2016

The Miramar Central scandal lays bare a cavalier culture at the Ministry of Education

Photo: Alfonso Cacciola/Getty
Photo: Alfonso Cacciola/Getty

A Wellington school’s use of a ‘seclusion room’ to isolate autistic children has been dismissed by officials as a sorry aberration. But the school cell speaks to a much bigger problem with special education in New Zealand, says Giovanni Tiso, the father of two children with autism.

There are few things more distressing and painful than the injury caused to those who cannot speak. The parents of Baxter Mansfield, a child with autism who attends Miramar Central School in Wellington, made the point very eloquently to John Campbell yesterday.

“He’s non-verbal so he can’t tell us what is going on. He has different ways of communicating. There is no way he could say, ‘Mum, I was locked in a room today.’ And that’s our biggest fear, for a child like that who is so vulnerable, we need to trust who we leave to care for him.”

The existence of the seclusion room in the school’s special unit was revealed over the weekend in the New Zealand Herald by Kirsty Johnston, whose work in exposing stories of abuse of disabled people has been exemplary. Baxter’s parents didn’t know about the room, nor did almost any of the parents of the 10 children who have been routinely locked inside the dark, cupboard-like space for up to 25 minutes at a time in the last two years alone.

Photo: Alfonso Cacciola/Getty
Photo: Alfonso Cacciola/Getty

The ministry has no record of ever having sanctioned the use of the room, and, as Johnston told me, the school’s incident log was incomplete and inconsistently used. Nor did the Education Review Office apparently ever notice the room, which was incorporated in the unit in 2002. Institutional failures, therefore, compounded the children’s inability to describe their experience. Had a behavioural therapist not incidentally stumbled upon the room being used, we might not know to this day that it was there.

Following a familiar pattern, the Ministry of Education – in the person of head of special education David Wales – commented on the revelations in the softest of tones. The ministry had strongly recommended that the use of the room be discontinued, he told Johnston. And then: “We are very concerned about any student being repeatedly locked in a time out room. We are continuing to monitor the situation carefully.” Abuse, it seems, is only a concern if it’s repeated, and even then it only requires careful monitoring, as opposed to decisive interventions. The use of the room, says the school, “will be phased out”.

These relaxed attitudes are aided by the fact that the legality of such practices, as is too often the case with the disciplining of children, falls into a grey area. While we await the results of the Chief Ombudsman’s investigation, it is worth remarking that, according to Massey University education lecturer Jude Macarthur, the use of seclusion appears to be in breach of many articles of the Convention of the Rights of the Child, of which New Zealand is a signatory. She cites in particular:

Article 3, Best interests of the child; Article 12, Respect for the views of the child; Article 19, protection from all forms of violence; Article 28, Right to education, which says schools must be run in an orderly way without the use of violence, and any form of discipline should take into account the child’s human dignity.

What of the larger context? Minister Hekia Parata, to her credit, was more forthright than her officials in denouncing the use of the room when talking to John Campbell, but deflected more serious criticism by pointing out that New Zealand is recognised as a world leader in the delivery of special education. However, this proposition is belied not only by successive ministerial and select committee reviews, or the complaint lodged to the Human Rights Commission by IHC in 2008 and still unresolved (at what point does justice delayed become justice denied?), or the recent, damning report by Youth Law, or the petition launched last month with a rally at parliament (at which I spoke) – probably the first for this sector in our nation’s history – but also by the fact that the United Nations has explicitly rejected the idea that New Zealand is in fact leading the world anywhere.

The report on the right to inclusive education released by the Independent Monitoring Mechanism of the convention (Word, PDF) noted in particular the failure to make the right to education legally enforceable and to put it at the centre of strategy and policy making, as well as the inadequate collection of data.

To put it in simpler terms: our education ministry doesn’t monitor the progress of students with disabilities, is cavalier about protecting their dignity and safety, and doesn’t take their right to full school participation seriously enough. Stories of dysfunction, such as were heard last year by the select committee inquiry on the supports for autism, dyslexia and dyspraxia, are dismissed as isolated incidents even when they number in the hundreds. Critical failures of basic care, such as the cell that remained in full use at Miramar Central School for the past 13 years, are regarded as abnormalities to be “phased out”, as opposed to symptoms of systemic issues in need of urgent investigation and action. As a final talisman against all opposition and criticism, the government brandishes the fact that it spends close to $600 million on special education every year, as if a sum of money were the measure that the rights of children are being upheld.

Hilary Stace, a disability researcher and advocate who has recently been championing the cause of Ashley Peacock, notes that the use of seclusion on autistic children has the added effect of normalising this treatment for autistic adults such as Ashley, who has suffered it semi-permanently for the past five years (and periodically much longer than that). That is so often the case, when it comes to human rights: that denying them to one category of persons has a flow-on effect on another. Besides, there is no such thing as an isolated incident, especially when it involves a complex organisation such as a school. At the heart of it is always a culture, along with its institutions, and it desperately needs to change.

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SocietyOctober 14, 2016

He Aituā, Helen Kelly: a force of nature, a national treasure, my comrade and my hero

kelly_godfery

Morgan Godfery pays tribute to his friend, the impassioned and inspirational workers’ advocate Helen Kelly.

Helen Kelly, the mighty trade union leader, the irrepressible campaigner, the bane of dodgy bosses everywhere, was my comrade and hero.

She is dead at 52.

Even when you know death is coming, when cancer invades the body’s cells and tumours announce their foul intentions, the event is still a shock. I’m not sure I can imagine a country without Helen Kelly nudging it along, prodding its conscience. I’m not sure I want to imagine a country without Helen Kelly.

Helen Kelly and Morgan Godfery

For any other person this might feel over the top. In an obituary lavish tributes are customary, but even the highest praise feels too small for Helen Kelly. In the Council of Trade Unions board room, on the top floor of Education House in central Wellington, the walls are lined with portraits of old white blokes looking over the skyline union members built.

That’s until you reach Helen Kelly’s portrait, the first woman to lead New Zealand’s trade union movement. Back in the day her father, Pat Kelly, a Liverpudlian and “ten pound pom” who went on to become the president of the Wellington Trades Council, would go around telling his comrades “she’s neat, eh?” after Helen was elected general secretary of the Tertiary Education Union.

I guess you could say trade unionism was in the blood, it was part of her whakapapa. “Our home was union central,” Helen told the Wellingtonian in 2010. Yet things might have gone the other way. Helen’s mother, Cath Eichelbaum, a Communist Party member who worked in the old Department of Māori Affairs, was part of the Chapman legal family, famous for producing two Supreme Court justices. Cath’s cousin, Thomas Eichelbaum, went on to become the country’s Chief Justice.

Helen herself trained as a lawyer, not that the establishment was ever for her. The Kelly family home in Mount Victoria was like a halfway house for visiting intellectuals, South African radicals, and kids who just needed a place stay. “Mum would wake us signing ‘wake up darlings from your slumbers,'” after Helen and her brother Max had given up their bedroom for one of the family’s visitors.

It was an early lesson in service and sacrifice. This is the astonishing thing about Helen: she was never self-centred, even going as far as talking about her health like a sympathetic observer might. “I’m lethargic, but the doctors are pleased with where I am,” she told me last year on a TV set, “well, all things considered.” Are you in pain? “Yeah, but the dak helps.”

Perhaps the first reaction to a cancer diagnosis is to turn inwards. Yet Helen saw a campaigning moment, using an appearance on TV3 to admit she was taking marijuana for pain relief and challenging politicians to improve access to medicinal marijuana. Granted, the law remains the same, but it felt like we crossed a threshold: if you’re suffering from cancer and taking marijuana to help cope, you don’t have to feel ashamed.

This isn’t to say Helen “won” every issue. She couldn’t, after a spirited campaign, stop Peter Jackson, Warner Bros and the National Government from stripping film workers of their work rights. Conditions were so bad on the set of The Hobbit that some actors were said to be forced to share contact lenses, yet without employment protections the actors – sorry, “contractors” – could do little more than leak to the media.

Or call Helen Kelly.

I suspect this loss changed Helen. It hardened her. And she didn’t lose again. “That woman Helen Kelly,” as one bitter employer put it, went on to save lives in the forestry industry and help transform New Zealand’s health and safety law. When travelling through Tokoroa Helen would stay with the Findlays, a whanau who lost their father Charles in a forestry accident in 2013.

 

Helen Kelly in 2011. Photo: NZ Tertiary Education Union
Helen Kelly in 2011. Photo: NZ Tertiary Education Union

“Unions must become public institutions,” Helen told delegates in 2015 at the last Council of Trade Unions conference she presided over. These were more than mere words. When Helen went to the West Coast to support the Pike River families, she never did so as the president of a private organisation that just happens to represent working people. She did so as the leader of the largest democratic institution in the country, the 360,000-strong Council of Trade Unions.

This is Helen: always there for other people. She was there for the meat workers in 2012, working with iwi leaders to negotiate a new employment agreement at AFFCO-Talleys. The iwi leaders at the table were so taken with Helen they invited her out fishing the next day. I’m told this is the highest compliment possible. She’d make tremendous company out on the boat. Or possibly on a hunting trip.

“Hey mate, Helen here” – she’s calling from a treatment session in Auckland, catching her breath with each word – “can you call me as soon as you get this. I need to talk to you about the local elections.” This voicemail is saved to my phone. It captures something about Helen. Her fighting spirit, her phenomenal energy, but also the thing that’s harder to name. Her mana.

Not mana in the sense of status, but mana in the sense of force. Almost the metaphysical. Where did it come from? Whakapapa, yes, but also her partner Steve and her son Dylan. Helen was herself a “public institution”, almost a fact of national life, but her life and memory belong to Steve and Dylan first. They carry her mana. To them, our thoughts and love go. And to Helen there are only two words:

Solidarity forever!

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