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PoliticsJanuary 23, 2019

The tax grab trap: Why politicians need to tell us where carbon revenue will go

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Getty Images

The ongoing ‘Gilets Jaunes’ protests in France should serve as a warning to NZ politicians, writes Jeanette Fitzsimons: fail to explain the benefit of carbon pricing (and where the money is going) and you’ll reap the consequences.

A price on carbon has been a key demand of serious climate action for three decades now, but efforts to impose such a price have largely failed.

Fossil fuels are cheap. It is cheaper (as well as faster) to fly or drive from Auckland to Wellington than to get the train. It is cheaper to get a house on the edge of the city and drive to work than to live closer and walk or cycle. It is cheaper to import goods from the other side of the world than to grow or make them locally. All of that burns more carbon; we need a price on carbon to change these incentives.

To be effective in changing behaviour the price needs to be high and steadily rising, but any government which places an effective price on carbon commits political suicide. Citizens don’t see that they get anything for what they have to pay and view it as just another tax grab.

The Labour government in 2002 developed quite a well designed carbon tax, but never addressed the question of where the money would go. Even the climate minister, Pete Hodgson, hadn’t considered it – just into the general government coffers, it seemed. This was a recipe for mass civil revolt. The animal methane levy was dubbed the “fart tax” and we had tractors driven up the steps of Parliament. The National Party saw it as a chance to score political points and destabilise the government, and behind the scenes business lobbied frantically to have the whole scheme dropped – which  it was, on the pretence that there was not enough support in Parliament to pass the necessary legislation.

A decade and a half later President Macron tried to position France as the leader of EU action on climate change by introducing taxes on transport fuel. Our media has tired of reporting the French riots that sprung up in response, but they are ongoing. Macron has cancelled his proposed carbon tax, but the French are not appeased and are burning cars and buildings; street battles with police and blockades of public buildings continue in Paris and towns across France, with more planned. The anger is now about deeper issues of economic austerity, the dignity of workers, and the withdrawal of state services in favour of a privatised economy.

Macron had earlier announced big tax cuts for people on high incomes, paid for by cutting services on which the poor relied. Fuel taxes were the last straw. Workers were reacting to worsening inequality and a general contempt for the poor and the working class by the elite.

A gilets jaunes (yellow vests) protest against rising fuel prices on the Champs-Elysees avenue on November 24, 2018 in Paris France. (Photo by Thierry Chesnot/Getty Images)

The French are more volatile than Kiwis. We have nothing in our past that resembles the French Revolution, but unless Government communicates clearly with citizens and is seen to be fair, we will have resistance here too. Recent fuel taxes, especially with the extra in Auckland to fund public transport, provoked anger and coincided with higher international oil prices. PM Ardern tried to bring the price of fuel down by blaming the oil companies for profiteering. But as a few media commentators pointed out, you can’t both have high fuel prices to encourage low carbon behaviour and low fuel prices to help families make ends meet. How is this to be resolved?

The proposed changes to the ETS will see some carbon units auctioned. This is second best to a carbon charge, but will still produce some revenue. There has been no public discussion of where the revenue would go, but its acceptability to the public relies crucially on this decision.

Some say Government should use it to promote low carbon alternatives like energy efficiency and renewables. But a decent price on carbon will do this anyway. If coal becomes much more expensive Fonterra will finally get serious about converting its boilers to wood waste, for example. They don’t need subsidies as well. If petrol is more expensive then smaller cars, electric vehicles, cycling and public transport become relatively cheaper.

Some say use it to reduce GST. But the more you earn the more you spend, and the more you spend the more GST you pay, so that will mainly benefit people on higher incomes. And the reduction in prices from lower GST will soon be disguised by general price rises.

Some say give it to the poor as an increase in benefits or the minimum wage. That will cause resentment among those on middle incomes and those just above the cut off point for assistance. It will also amplify all the injustices of the current benefit system.

If a policy is to be durable and supported it has to create the conviction that we are all in this together – everyone pays; everyone benefits from the revenue created; and everyone has the opportunity to reduce their carbon burn by thinking smarter. What we need is a policy that delivers an equal monetary return to all citizens, bearing in mind that $20 to a beneficiary or low income worker is worth enormously more than $20 to a corporate chief. It needs to be communicated clearly that those paying the most in the carbon price will be those using more than their “share” of our carbon budget. Those getting the most benefit will be those who reduce their carbon burn.

There are two ways to do this. The simple way is to reduce tax on the bottom band of income – probably by making the first dollars earned tax free. The second is by paying a “citizen’s dividend” to every citizen, or resident, or other qualifying descriptor.

The problem with the first option is that other tax changes may mask the tax reduction and confuse the public who won’t see the benefits so clearly. The problem with the second is that it is administratively complex to set up and the total revenue to distribute may not be worth it. I prefer the second because it  can put in place a system for environmental charges generally which are recycled equally to everyone. It is important that it be called a charge or fee, not a tax, which is something governments keep and spend themselves with no transparency or accountability.

If these charges are to be effective they must keep rising. The only way to avoid a public backlash when this occurs is to point out that yes, your petrol price is increasing, but so is your citizen’s dividend. You can choose to spend that how you like – the wise choice is to use it to prepare for a low carbon future by insulating, solarising, establishing a garden, or long term put it towards a more efficient vehicle or an EV. In the meantime thinking about how to spend it will prompt ideas about how to reduce carbon use without spending money – like driving and flying less, or eating more local food.

So the lessons I would take from the gilets jaunes in France are:

  • Effective action on climate change and environmental issues cannot be separated from social justice;
  • Policy needs to be inclusive –  and needs to foster the sense that we are all in this together; and
  • Governments should set the limits and allow citizens to make their own decisions within this.
Keep going!
Simon Bridges and Paula Bennett. Photo: RNZ / Brooke Jenner
Simon Bridges and Paula Bennett. Photo: RNZ / Brooke Jenner

PoliticsJanuary 23, 2019

As National’s drug czar, will Paula Bennett show good faith, or scaremonger?

Simon Bridges and Paula Bennett. Photo: RNZ / Brooke Jenner
Simon Bridges and Paula Bennett. Photo: RNZ / Brooke Jenner

The National Party has underscored the importance of the drug law reform debate by appointing its deputy leader to a new role devoted to the issue. Is there any reason for hope, or should we prepare for wedge politics, asks Russell Brown

The charitable view of Paula Bennett’s appointment to the new role of National party spokesperson on drug reform would be that it’s notable that leader Simon Bridges has given the position to such a senior member of his caucus. More so given that in government the party spent so much time promising there would be absolutely no drug law reform whatsoever.

The less charitable view is that she’s a terrible, politically-tainted choice and her appointment signals a combative, oppositional approach to the various reforms promised by the current government.

But let’s look at the positives. Bennett, as social housing minister, was directly responsible for the Housing First scheme, a project that requires the suspension of judgement about drug use. She took over responsibility for Methamphetamine Action Plan in 2017, after it had drifted badly under the management of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet and promised a fresh, “broader” approach in response to a surge in meth availability – one we didn’t get to see before that year’s general election. She did have time to make a commitment to continue funding Northland’s innovative Te Ara Oranga Methamphetamine Demand Reduction strategy pilot should her government be returned, and to promise around $40 million on 1500 new treatment places and new educational initiatives.

On the other hand, that commitment was made in the context of a hugely punitive raft of measures that she admitted would “stretch” human rights laws. In announcing the plan at a drug treatment centre she expressed the view that some gang members had “fewer” human rights than other people, a view that ran counter to the government’s own commitment to the United Nations in 2016. She came up with the stigmatising waste of time and money that was beneficiary drug-testing. She had to backtrack after baselessly accusing a West Auckland school of allowing the Headhunters to sell drugs to its students. She nonsensically told the country that “One hit, and you are hooked” on meth.

But most of all, Bennett was the champion of Housing New Zealand’s “zero tolerance” approach to drugs. She bears responsibility for the needless stigmatising of state tenants, for disseminating false information about the alleged health risks of meth traces in housing and for the policy that put hundreds of tenants out of their homes and needlessly cost the taxpayer nearly $100 million. The damage dwarfed any good she’d done with Housing First.

It’s a record that makes it a bit rich for Bennett, in her opening statement in her new role, to accuse the current government of a “confused, contradictory” approach to drug policy. It was widely supposed that New Zealand First’s conservatism would stymie any attempt at reform by Labour ministers, but the reality is that the real conflict over drug reform is within the National caucus. Every single drug policy stance is a matter for negotiation between younger, more reform-minded members and a large, intensely conservative rump.

Sometimes, that negotiation has worked out. Shane Reti’s private members bill on medicinal cannabis bill certainly had its merits, and was in some ways a reasonable response to Louisa Wall’s indifferent stewardship of the select committee that scrutinised the government’s bill.

But its more liberal elements were a quid pro quo for a blanket ban on “loose leaf” cannabis. (Ministry of Health officials admitted some time ago they could be open to approving whole-flower medical products that met standards. Ironically, the products the bill proposed to licence are, as “cannabis preparations” rather more illegal under current law than plain weed.) And after the inevitable failure of Reti’s bill, Bridges and other National MPs made execrable speeches at the third reading of the (somewhat improved) government bill, with Bridges fantasising that the bill’s statutory defence for people in palliative care – officially a transitional measure until new regulations for approved cannabis are written this year – would somehow mean terminally ill people blazing up outside primary schools.

On the forthcoming cannabis referendum, Bennett has a lot of questions:

“When it comes to legalising marijuana, there are serious questions around drug driving, the effects of younger people accessing and using, youth mental health, and how this fits with our ambitions to be smoke free.

“What would a regulated industry look like? Will gangs be able to grow and sell marijuana? Will THC levels be regulated? Will drug testing be done on the roadside? What will the legal age be?

She knows very well that’s a feature rather than a bug. There will be a national consultative process and then a worked-up law – or something very close to it – and it’s something all parties will need to engage with. Perhaps the strident oppositional politics of this first statement is to be expected, but at some point National needs to show some good faith.

It might not be easy – Judith Collins in particular has shown a willingness to use drug policy as a wedge issue. But Collins was shut down almost as soon as she began to attack Police minister Stuart Nash’s public support for festival drug-checking. Her caucus, anxious about opposing something that may be popular with the public, is apparently considering whether to come up with its own festival drug-checking policy, whatever that might consist of.

The fact is, several historic drug law reforms are on the table for the next two years. National has the choice of honestly bring its principles to the table and contributing to those reforms, or continuing to accuse the government of deception and “stealth” in the hope of chipping off electoral support.

In a perfect world, Paula Bennett would be the one to get her party there. The Greens’ ace networker Chloe Swarbrick has already challenged Bennett to a debate on the meaning of evidence-based drug policy. Bennett might not want to do that – she’d get creamed – but she could meet in good faith with Swarbrick, the way other MPs have. She could make herself an influential member of the fledgling cross-party group on drug reform. She could act with the seriousness these issues deserve.

At any rate, Bennett on day one performed the classic politician set-piece: revealing that back in the day she used a bit of cannabis, but of course it wasn’t for her. Of course, this week the bar’s been raised a bit on that one