spinofflive
aboriginal, australian and torres strait island flags
Photo: Scott Barbour/Getty Images

SocietyAugust 30, 2023

Australia’s Indigenous Voice referendum, explained

aboriginal, australian and torres strait island flags
Photo: Scott Barbour/Getty Images

A divided Australia will soon vote on the most significant referendum on Indigenous rights in 50 years.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised this article contains names and/or images of deceased people.

Australian prime minister Anthony Albanese has announced an October 14 date for a national referendum on whether to amend the Constitution to establish a new advisory body for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

Called the “Voice to Parliament”, the new body would provide advice and make representations to parliament and the government on any issues relating to First Nations people.

The Voice to Parliament has been toted as a vital step toward redressing Australia’s painful history of discrimination against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

The minister for Indigenous Australians, Linda Burney, has said it would also remedy a “long legacy” of failed policies on a variety of issues, from the over-representation of First Nations people in the prison system to poorer outcomes for First Nations people in health, employment and education.

The Voice represents a new approach. Initially proposed in a document called the Uluru Statement from the Heart following a First Nations constitutional convention in 2017, the Voice would be enshrined in the Constitution to ensure it would have a permanent presence and role in Australian government.

This is why a referendum is needed – and why this particular one has been so fiercely debated for years.

Decades of efforts toward equality

In order for a constitutional referendum to be successful, it must garner a majority of votes nationally, as well as a majority of votes in a majority of states (this means four of the six states). Votes in Australia’s two territories – the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory – will count toward the national vote count but not toward the majority of states requirement.

Referendums don’t pass frequently. Only eight out of 44 previous referendums have passed in the country’s history.

The last time Australia voted on a referendum dealing with Indigenous affairs was in 1967.

This referendum made two things possible: the Commonwealth could count Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the national census and make laws with respect to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

Bill Onus, president of the Victorian Aborigines’ Advancement League (right), marching in support of the 1967 referendum. (Photo: National Gallery of Australia/AAP via The Conversation)

The referendum passed by a huge margin. With the government able to make laws about First Nations people for the first time, it ensured they would be protected by the Racial Discrimination Act that was passed in 1975. This act prohibits discrimination in employment, housing and access to public facilities, such as swimming pools, cinemas and shops.

But for all the 1967 referendum made possible, progress has been slow.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders make up a very small minority of the overall Australian population (less than 4%), so the right to vote has not always ensured political representation.

Although there are currently 11 Aboriginal members of parliament, they cannot represent all Aboriginal people. And there have yet to be any representatives at the Commonwealth level from the Torres Strait Islands (an archipelago between Australia and Papua New Guinea).

The ‘yes’ and ‘no’ campaigns

In the lead-up to this year’s referendum, the nation has been split along a stark “yes” and “no” divide.

The “yes” campaign has declared it’s time for change, emphasising how governments have consistently failed First Nations communities across the country.

They say better policy decisions result from local communities being heard on matters that affect them. To secure support from a mostly non-Indigenous population, the campaign also presents the Voice as an opportunity for all Australians to come together in support of recognition and democratic renewal.

Arguments against the Voice have been made on two different grounds.

Independent senator Lidia Thorpe, a DjabWurrung, Gunnai and Gunditjmara woman, has argued the Voice is a powerless advisory body. She has called for the government to pursue a treaty with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people instead.

However, treaty processes can take many years to progress. For example, the state of Victoria began a treaty process with First Nations people in 2018 and negotiations are only just about to commence.

The official “no” campaign, led by the conservative opposition parties, has depicted the proposed Voice as a body for elites in Canberra, the nation’s capital, which would be divisive for the country and prone to judicial overreach. “Yes” campaigners contend many of the “no” arguments are misinformation.

A rally against the Voice to Parliament in Western Australia. (Photo: Richard Wainwright/AAP via The Conversation)

The significance of the vote

Even after 1967, it remains clear that existing voting rights and political institutions alone cannot represent the interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to the federal government.

Internationally, other countries have attempted to create improved political participation and government accountability for Indigenous peoples.

In New Zealand, for example, there is designated Māori representation in the parliament. In Scandinavia, the Sámi parliament represents seven Indigenous nations across Finland, Norway and Sweden. In Canada, First Nations people have both “first-contact” treaties that were negotiated upon European arrival, as well as modern treaties.

The 2023 referendum is the first occasion Australia has considered how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people can be meaningfully represented in the federal government. Whatever the outcome of the referendum, it will send a powerful message to rest of the world about how Australians view their country.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Keep going!
weed
Image: Tina Tiller

OPINIONSocietyAugust 29, 2023

It’s been legal for years, but medicinal cannabis users are still being penalised

weed
Image: Tina Tiller

People who use medicinal cannabis in New Zealand are not seeking to get high, but they’re facing repercussions from police and their employers. It’s time the law caught up, argues Clare Halford, a doctor who prescribes it.

Since medicinal cannabis was legalised in 2020, we have seen vast demand from New Zealanders for alternative pain assistance and the benefit that this treatment has on their quality of life. 

Despite this, many people who use medicinal cannabis are being unfairly penalised because of New Zealand’s outdated (or non-existent) policies and legislation regarding drug use. 

There is a significant difference between the cannabis usage and behaviour of someone who gets stoned recreationally and the ever-increasing number of people who use medicinal cannabis to treat various ailments such as chronic pain conditions, anxiety, sleep disorders, depression and the side effects of chemotherapy. 

Our patients are simply seeking relief from these health issues – they’re not looking to get high. They want to be functional, not stoned.

Yet, these patients find themselves facing the same repercussions as those who use cannabis recreationally, with a number losing their job, being fined or having their prescription cannabis confiscated by police.    

It’s worth noting that as with other prescription medicines, medicinal cannabis can have a mild sedative effect, but this is generally much more mild than other pharmaceutical drugs that are prescribed for pain. In fact, University of Sydney-led research found that 1500mg, the highest daily medicinal dose of cannabidiol (CBD), had no impact on people’s driving or cognitive abilities.

The conservative mindset around medicinal cannabis use in everyday life needs to change. It’s not right that a person with a genuine need for this treatment is unable to take it for fear they will lose their job, or their licence.  

So how do we address this issue to ensure medicinal cannabis users are treated the same as those who take “traditional” medicine to provide relief of their health problems?

First, the current understanding of “impairment” needs to be revised with consideration given to how medicinal cannabis is prescribed, used and metabolised in the body in comparison with the recreational use of drugs and alcohol. 

Medicinal cannabis is frequently much lower in dosage than recreational cannabis for several reasons – oral THC is most often given in low doses and medicinally grown cannabis flowers given by the inhaled route are typically needed in smaller quantities due to their purity and more reliable THC content. We also advocate patients’ use of approved dry herb vaporisers that are vastly more efficient and safer than smoking and maximise efficient delivery of the medicine. 

At the Cannabis Clinic, we strive to use the least amount of medicinal cannabis for the best results – we “start low and go slow” on dosage, tailoring exact amounts to each patient individually based on their experiences with it. 

However, most studies (on which these “impairment levels” are based) have been done on people using recreational doses of cannabis (ie they are intended to produce intoxication). In contrast, there are very limited medicinal cannabis studies that test the effect of much lower dosages, predictable and consistent timings and longer-term use. 

Getty Images

Secondly, we need to see clear and reasonable guidelines for the safe use of THC and driving, as these do not exist yet. 

As it stands, it is against the law to drive while impaired by taking any impairing substance (including prescription medicines and over the counter and pharmacist-only medicines).

Recent changes to the legislation include new illegal limits with lower limits for infringements, and tougher penalties for drivers found to be driving while impaired. 

As part of the legislation, police can conduct random roadside drug testing and use oral fluid testing kits to determine if someone is impaired by drugs while driving. This part of the policy has been pushed back as the appropriate device hasn’t been found – indicating the complexities in testing for “impairment” rather than simply testing for drugs in one’s system.  

But this new legislation makes no delineation between prescribed or recreational cannabis. People using cannabis long term (for medicinal reasons) will test positive to THC blood and saliva tests and may be unfairly penalised.

Finally, a more predictable guideline consensus needs to be reached so that employees and employers both know where they stand, and what to expect across the board. 

We’ve had a number of patients who have been put on extended leave, been dismissed or threatened with dismissal and have had to stop taking the medication they so desperately need. 

Recently, we had a middle-aged man with very severe insomnia who had tried everything to help over the years – once he got onto a tiny amount of medicinal cannabis, his sleep was restored for the first time since his teens. Even though this person had a corporate desk job with no safety-sensitive work, the company he worked for simply could not see past the fact that he’d tested positive for THC in a urine test after starting the medicine. 

Despite an appeal from his GP who stated that the alternative meds she would be forced to prescribe (which were vastly less effective) would be more risky in terms of impairment the morning after taking them, the company refused to budge on their stance and forced this person to make a choice between sleeping with no side effects or working and feeling terrible all the time. He chose to pack up his desk, and is now looking to change careers altogether. 

We should also look to other places in the world who have addressed many of these problems already. 

In Norway, the UK, Ireland and other countries, exemptions are issued for medicinal cannabis users – they will not be prosecuted after a positive THC test if they were not impaired at the time of testing AND carry a current prescription.

Possibly, higher levels of THC  for prosecution could apply if the person was a legitimate medicinal cannabis patient and had no evidence of impairment.  

Ultimately, nobody wants drug-impaired drivers on the road or in the workplace, but our drug laws and policies need to take medicinal cannabis users into account.  These people are not getting stoned recreationally and they shouldn’t be treated as such. We’re treating a wide spectrum of New Zealanders – from elderly patients who use THC drops for arthritis pain and cancer patients who use drops to ease chemotherapy side effects to women suffering from endometriosis who use THC flower products to treat period pain. 

It’s time to update our drug laws so medicinal cannabis users aren’t unfairly penalised.  

 Clare Halford is medical director at the Cannabis Clinic

‘Like a thousand-piece jigsaw puzzle, each member is vital to the whole picture. Join today.’
Calum Henderson
— Production editor