Chris Hipkins has his first shot. Photo by Lynn Grieveson – Newsroom/Newsroom via Getty Images
Chris Hipkins has his first shot. Photo by Lynn Grieveson – Newsroom/Newsroom via Getty Images

PoliticsApril 13, 2021

Five pressing questions about the state of New Zealand’s vaccination programme

Chris Hipkins has his first shot. Photo by Lynn Grieveson – Newsroom/Newsroom via Getty Images
Chris Hipkins has his first shot. Photo by Lynn Grieveson – Newsroom/Newsroom via Getty Images

Vaccinations are up and running, but are they happening fast enough, why haven’t all frontline workers had their first shot, and what about the stats? Justin Giovannetti outlines the concerns being aired.

While New Zealand’s Covid-19 vaccination programme is under way, it’s already hitting some bumps on the road to July when the entire population is scheduled to become eligible for a jab.

The government has yet to release a detailed plan of the programme, but the overall effort is running behind early aspirations, according to plans outlined in a health document leaked to National last week. There have also been problems with the IT systems built to coordinate the logistics of the rollout.

It’s still unclear from the issues that are appearing whether these are teething problems or if something more serious awaits. What is clear is that with little community spread of Covid-19, there is nothing like the public outcry being heard in other parts of the world. Still, these five questions warrant our attention.

Where’s the data?

About 110,000 New Zealanders have received at least one Covid-19 jab as of yesterday. That’s 2.2% of the population, about two months after the vaccination effort started on February 20.

We only know that number because prime minister Jacinda Ardern disclosed it in a press conference yesterday.

Health officials only release vaccination data once a week, currently Wednesday around 1pm. Unlike in most countries with large vaccine programmes, the NZ government says releasing daily numbers just isn’t a priority. That could change later in the year.

There’s also no data on vaccine deliveries. The country currently has received about 500,000 doses of the Pfizer jab. That number had to be requested from the Ministry of Health and hasn’t been proactively disclosed in weeks. Ashley Bloomfield, the director general of health, said that Pfizer provides a few weeks’ warning of when doses are set to arrive, but that information has never been shared with the public in advance of an actual delivery.

It’s unclear how many doses will arrive and when. However, Covid-19 response minister Chris Hipkins has indicated that much of the country’s order will arrive after July when the effort ramps up.

As an international comparison, the US now expects its entire adult population will become eligible for a jab next Monday. The country is currently administering about four million shots daily, aiming for a Covid-lite Independence Day holiday on July 4.

Why shouldn’t other countries go first?

The government has always denied, having been asked numerous times, that it decided to slow the vaccine programme because other countries need the doses more. It’s also constantly maintained that export controls from Europe have had no impact on New Zealand’s supply of jabs.

What seems more likely is that New Zealand is lagging behind nearly every other rich country’s vaccination programme because of two key decisions: Officials signed contracts for delivery in the second half of 2021 when most countries plan to be done; and New Zealand just offered less money.

It’s been reported overseas that countries like Israel that have nearly vaccinated all adults offered up to $50 per course of the Pfizer vaccine, while the US paid $40 and the EU settled at $30. New Zealand won’t reveal its price, citing contract privacy. 

The contracts are long signed and vaccines are being shipped. The question now is why 80% of New Zealand’s delivered jabs are waiting in freezers, some for over a month. That has nothing to do with any other country.

What’s New Zealand’s target to use them?

There’s no publicly released weekly or daily target for vaccinations, however the government has released two charts showing the plan for the rollout.

One is purely “illustrative and approximate” according to the health ministry and isn’t actually a plan. The current programme is only delivering about a third to a quarter of the effort in the fictional illustration shared with the public last month as the “illustration of volumes and timing of vaccination rollout”.

The second chart was released last week and has a line labelled “plan” and another labelled “actual.” The two lines are very similar. They show that last Sunday the country was due to hit around 30,000 doses administered a week and was in actuality somewhere around 27,000. When asked what the “plan” line was based on, health officials said it reflected the doses DHBs said they were prepared to administer.

About 90% of appointments made by DHBs were kept under the second chart. It should be noted that the chart was only released with historical data. The government has yet to release a forward-looking plan that it actually intends to follow and has real numbers attached to it. Bloomfield has said that a plan until the end of May should be made public on Wednesday.

Are all frontline workers vaccinated?

About 86% of frontline workers in the country’s border facilities have received a jab, according to the prime minister. 

The country’s “rollout plan” for the vaccine, released in mid-March, had said the entire group would be finished by the end of that month. However, the government now says it’ll take until the end of April for all workers at the border and managed-isolation to get at least one of their two required doses.

May 1 is also the deadline to remove workers who have declined a vaccine from border positions. While the vaccine won’t be mandatory for all New Zealanders, border workers who are constantly exposed to returnees won’t have that option.

Are we ready for the mass rollout?

Whenever the government talks about the vaccine rollout, especially in comparison to countries who went earlier, officials mention that the vaccine went through a rigorous approvals process.

There was no emergency authorisation in New Zealand. So instead of starting in December, the vaccination programme here started in February. It’s not clear if the country used those extra months wisely. While questions have been raised about the low number of vaccinators trained and the lack of any mass vaccination centres, the biggest worry is around technology.

There will be no single national booking system for the vaccine. Instead, each DHB has gone its own way and built a system from scratch. The results have in many cases been poor.

Health workers in Otago have been using Outlook’s calendar function to schedule appointments, meaning some people have been contacted multiple times while others haven’t been contacted at all.

The Canterbury DHBs bought a system that was so poorly built that individual health information was, with the use of some simple code, available to users who could then also change anyone’s vaccination status. The Ministry of Health has been forced to launch a review of the booking system.

The Covid-19 minister has shrugged off the glitches as a teething problem. However, the entire national system needs to be ready to start administering vaccines to the general public in just over two months. The clock is ticking.


In the latest episode of Gone By Lunchtime, Toby Manhire, Annabelle Lee-Mather and Ben Thomas discuss the latest stories in New Zealand politics, including the temporary ban on arrivals from India, the Māori Party’s donations strife and more. Subscribe and listen on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or your favourite podcast provider.

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Who will be prime minister? Challenger Fiame Naomi Mata’afa of FAST or longstanding incumbent Tuilaepa Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi of HRPP?
Who will be prime minister? Challenger Fiame Naomi Mata’afa of FAST or longstanding incumbent Tuilaepa Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi of HRPP?

PoliticsApril 12, 2021

The Sāmoa election hangs in the balance – here’s what happens next

Who will be prime minister? Challenger Fiame Naomi Mata’afa of FAST or longstanding incumbent Tuilaepa Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi of HRPP?
Who will be prime minister? Challenger Fiame Naomi Mata’afa of FAST or longstanding incumbent Tuilaepa Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi of HRPP?

The battle for political control is not yet resolved, but what is clear is this is the dawn of a new chapter for Sāmoan parliamentary democracy, writes Mata’afa Keni Lesa from Apia.

Nobody could have scripted the preliminary results. Although the signs had been ominous for the powerful Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP) – who perhaps thought they were going to waltz back to power at the Maota Fono, Ti’afau – not many, if any, would have given the new kid on the block, Fa’atuatua I le Atua Sāmoa ua Tasi (FAST) Party, a fighting chance of toppling the establishment as soon as this year.

Sāmoa is now at a fascinating juncture in its political journey. There is a breeze of fresh air after Friday’s general election, although there is a lot to get through before a victor is declared. Irrespective of what becomes of the battle for political control, however, it is safe to say that what is happening in Apia is in many ways the dawning of a new chapter for Samoa’s parliamentary democracy.

We are approaching six decades since Sāmoa gained independence, and the HRPP has totally dominated politics here for more than 39 years. We live in a country where many generations have known no other government. For thousands of Sāmoans and their children, a change in government – a critical aspect of democracy and its makings – is something they have not before witnessed.

This possibility, or likelihood even, is one of the most exciting aspects of Sāmoa’s elections this time around. The mood of the nation is one of excitement, anxiousness and suspense. It is tense in some parts especially with the official count of votes and the opening of special votes getting under way at the Tuana’imato election centre this week. It is going to be a very long week for candidates, political parties and their supporters. The nation will feel the same.

That said, whatever happens from here, the preliminary results deliver a bitter defeat for the incumbent prime minister, Tuilaepa Aiono Sailele Malielegaoi, and his party, after they boldly predicted that they would return to power with no fewer than 42 seats. They had a reason for their arrogance. In past general elections, Tuilaepa and his administration annihilated any opposition before them to the point where in parliament during its last sitting, 47 of 50 members belonged to the ruling party. That is an astonishing number.

It is against such a backdrop that so many people, even political commentators who are well versed with Sāmoan politics, are finding it difficult to believe the present 25-25 deadlock between the HRPP and FAST. It’s a fascinating development for what has been a one-party state for such a long time; it’s incredible how things can quickly change.

But the mood for change has been anything but an overnight development for Sāmoa. It has been a long time coming. It was not a question of whether it would happen; it was only a matter of when and how it would unfold.

To understand what would have weighed on the minds of many voters, especially people who finally had enough and voted against the HRPP last Friday, you need to go back over the years. For a small country, there was never a dull moment. We have had everything: countless scandals, tragedies ranging from a political assassination, sale of Sāmoan passports, natural and man-made disasters among others. All this was happening while the HRPP government had become extremely controlling to the point it had a hand in every area of life in Sāmoa. Goodness they even had a hand in picking the Manu Sāmoa.

Nearly 40 years in power can do many things to people. While the nation appreciated what the HRPP had done in the early years, including wonderful developments socially, economically and in terms of infrastructure, complacency set in and they became far too comfortable. With such power and control, the government behaved erratically and without care in many instances. Perhaps they felt invincible. So they changed the constitution at will. From laws that impacted on freedom of religion and freedom of expression to the denigration and demolition of Sāmoa’s traditional structure, including the role of Tama a Aiga (Sāmoa’s traditional royalty), to the judiciary, they did not appear to care. They also made a very powerful enemy in the church, including the biggest denomination in Sāmoa, the EFKS Church.

Even when more than a hundred lives were claimed by the measles crisis last year, largely due to the dismal immunisation rates which the HRPP government had been warned about, a call for a commission of inquiry was ignored and they blamed mothers and families instead.

FAST party leader Fiame Naomi Mata’afa (Photo: Dominic Godfrey / RNZ Pacific)

Internally, party frictions had been obvious in the HRPP. Last year, Tuilaepa’s former deputy, Fiame Naomi Mata’afa, resigned in opposing the judiciary laws. Today she is the leader of FAST, and on the brink of achieving the history-making feat of becoming prime minister. She joined forces with former cabinet minister and speaker of parliament La’auli Leuatea Schmidt and Leatinuu Wayne Fong, who were unceremoniously dumped by the HRPP for questioning the status quo.

An independent MP in Tuala Ponifasio has emerged as the kingmaker. The lawyer and businessman challenged parliament and the government in court last year over their election eligibility laws and won. It was an embarrassing defeat for the government. Tuala has been trying to get into parliament for at least 15 years, finally succeeding and now holds perhaps the most powerful card in Sāmoan politics today.

Ironically he is representing Saleaula and other villages, and their faalupega (honorifics) among others, is that of the pule (authority). The very authority that the HRPP so badly disrespected when they passed an electoral amendment law which in effect removed Saleaula’s seat from parliament and enraged the big island of Savai’i, which has become a FAST stronghold. This law also saw the sacking of the man behind FAST, Laauli, from the HRPP, and from there started a chain of events continuing to this day that could cost the HRPP in more ways that they could have ever imagined.

But this battle is far from the finish. Since Friday, prime minister Tuilaepa and the HRPP have been camping at Petesa where they have been hatching a plan. What that is, only time will tell.

Mata’afa Keni Lesa is an award-winning Sāmoan journalist and the former editor of the Sāmoa Observer News Group.