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PoliticsMay 13, 2024

I don’t know what Aukus is and at this point I’m afraid to ask

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The USA and China are beefing, Winston Peters is getting sued by some Australian guy, and Helen Clark and Don Brash are friends now? Here’s everything you need to know about Aukus but were too afraid to ask.

What is Aukus? 

Aukus, which stands for Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, is a military partnership between those three countries. In short, the UK and US will help Australia buy some nuclear submarines. It also includes a promise to co-operate on military technology, surveillance and information sharing.

Why does it exist? 

Because the USA and China are mad at each other. Particularly, they’re having a bit of a tussle over who has more influence in the Pacific region. The Pacific ocean is an important shipping channel, the islands are strategic military locations if there is a conflict in the region, and the bits of ocean around the islands (exclusive economic zones) could be valuable for deep-sea drilling or other exploitation. The tussle naturally doesn’t involve a heap of thought about the people within these areas.

China has been getting friendly with several Pacific nations recently, wooing them with gifts of loans and infrastructure. It seems to be keen to establish a military base somewhere in the region. The US doesn’t like that, so they’re puffing out their chest and telling China to back off. 

Why isn’t Aukus… Anzukas? 

New Zealand is a Pacific nation too, so Aukus seems like something you might expect us to join. But the deal is centred around nuclear submarines, so it is a non-starter in New Zealand. We’ve had a strong anti-nuclear policy since 1984, and nuclear-powered or nuclear-armed ships aren’t allowed in our waters. We used to be part of a similar deal with Australia and the US called, you guessed it, ANZUS, but they kicked us out in 1986 because of our stance on nuclear ships. 

Foreign minister and fan of Aukus, Winston Peters. Photo by Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

What is this ‘pillar two’ that I keep hearing mentioned? 

Even though New Zealand isn’t part of the main Aukus deal, we do have the option of signing up to a lower-level part. The nuclear submarine bit is known as pillar one, while pillar two is focused on cybersecurity, information sharing, and developing hypersonic missiles.

New Zealand is currently thinking about whether it wants to join pillar two. The government hasn’t officially made a decision, but foreign minister Winston Peters has been using increasingly positive language about the idea and seems pretty keen to work closer with the United States. 

So far, no other countries have signed up to pillar two, but there has been speculation that Japan, South Korea, India and Canada could all potentially be interested. 

What are the potential problems with joining pillar two? 

First of all, China might get mad at us. China is our biggest trading partner and buys lots of milk. Aukus was specifically created to counter China, so signing up would be a big middle finger to our best customer. That’s part of an even bigger question about New Zealand’s international identity. Do we want to keep aligning ourselves with the UK and the other former British colonies just because they’re part of the Anglosphere, or should we be trying to form closer alliances with Asia? 

And even though pillar two doesn’t require us to support nuclear submarines, it is still part of a nuclear-focused deal, so it raises some questions about whether it is in line with our anti-nuclear policy. 

What are Helen Clark and Don Brash going on about? 

Former prime minister Helen Clark really doesn’t want New Zealand to join Aukus. In fact, she co-wrote an opinion piece in the NZ Herald alongside her old rival Don Brash. Basically, they want New Zealand to remain independent rather than picking a side in the increasingly hostile turf war between the US and China. 

And what’s going on with Winston Peters and Bob Carr? Actually, who is Bob Carr? 

Bob Carr is a retired Australian politician and, most relevantly, the former Australian foreign minister. He doesn’t like Aukus and doesn’t think New Zealand should join. 

Winston Peters was asked about Carr’s comments in an interview on RNZ. In response, Peters made allegedly defamatory statements, which included allegations about Carr’s closeness with ChinaCarr has since said he intends to sue Peters for defamation. 

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OPINIONPoliticsMay 10, 2024

It’s time to ditch Berhampore Golf Course

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The under-utilised course is a waste of space, and with a little political will, it could be turned into something better.

For the duration of her stay in Wellington, my long-suffering cousin listened to me rant about golf courses. They’re bad for the environment: water intensive and pesticide heavy. They take up space that could have been put to better use, such as literally anything else. They’re also elitist. I mean, who plays golf? “Steve and Joe from accounts,” I would tell her, envisioning two retired white guys in sweater vests and tight-fitting pants. “That’s who plays golf.”

This topic managed to infiltrate a surprising number of our conversations, but flared up as we completed part of the Southern Walkway. There, the hypothetical became tangible and my ranting took on magnum-opus proportions. “I mean we already have a golf course in Miramar,” I grumbled, as we passed by an empty segment of the 37-hectare greens. “Why do we need one here in Berhampore?” 

Implicit in my question, of course, was my answer: we don’t. 

In 2021, the greens had an average of 12.2 users a day, or just over seven if you don’t count the disc golfers. If you’re one of the club’s 100 members, that means no queues. If you’re one of Wellington Central’s 213,000 odd other residents, it means loads of land you will probably not use but continue to support financially through parking tickets and rates. 

Granted, it doesn’t take much bank to keep the greens green: around $150k a year. The real cost is the resources and the opportunity. By having Berhampore Golf Course we don’t have an Ōtari-Wilton’s Bush of the southern suburbs. We also don’t have more houses to help ease the chronic shortfall that has pushed the region’s rents up to $640 a week, and house prices to $820,000. 

I am not a creative thinker, and calls to turn the space into something other than an adult’s playground are not new. Even suggestions to downsize the golfer playground, though, have proved contentious. The reasons for this are nominally two-fold, but ultimately political. 

The course is part of the Wellington Town Belt Act 2016, and so major changes to its use – such as turning chunks of it into housing – require changes to legislation. This is, administratively speaking, a pain in the ass, but not an insurmountable obstacle. Legislation is axed, amended and introduced all the time, sometimes too quickly to be well-thought out, understood, or properly consulted on and interrogated. 

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The Fast-track Approvals Bill, for instance, was introduced to the House under urgency at break-neck speed and is now with select committee. Chris Bishop reckons it will be good for lifting New Zealand’s productivity and living standards. Other commentators think it’s “the worst piece of law proposed since 1979” and a “naked power grab” that undermines Te Tiriti obligations and will have devastating consequences for the environment. 

How, then, can government be so quick and yet so slow to make change? In this case, the current right-leaning central government hates “red tape” with the same vehemence with which the left-leaning local government loves the course. 

Opened in 1915, Wellington city councillors have continuously protected the greens, pointing to its history as the country’s first, and city’s only,working-class golf course.” In 2019, then-Rongotai rep and club-patron, Paul Eagle, said the course was multicultural, inclusive, and beloved in the area. Southern ward councillor Laurie Foon agreed, calling the course an asset to the community, and something that she would stand in front of a bulldozer to protect.

Today, the idea of a working-class golf course seems oxymoronic. Still, it’s hard to have gripes with the concept behind it: working-class people, like all people, deserve leisure time that they can fill with activities of their choosing. Membership and user rates, though, indicate that golfing in Berhmapore isn’t an activity many people are choosing. For some, like me, this is because I would rather spend a day plucking hair off my arms. For others, it may be because their leisure time is shrinking as they work more hours to get by.

Councillors have also extolled the benefits of a large, green space easily accessible in an urban area. Then-mayor Justin Lester called the course part of the “lungs of the city,” and said that legislative changes could set a precedent that opens up the entirety of the town belt to a development free-for-all. Foon warned that letting even a part of the land go would make it hard to claw back, pointing to efforts in London and New York to protect Hyde and Central parks respectively.

The psychological and physical benefits of being in green spaces is well-documented. This argument, then — that we need to protect and maintain the grounds — could bolster the case against developing the land. What it can’t do is explain why it needs to remain an 18-hole. 

Last year, without a golf course, Central Park welcomed 42 million visitors. As a result of deliberate conservation efforts, it also housed 198 native plant species, and provided food and shelter for bees, birds, and other wildlife. In Aotearoa, one of the best things we can do for our own native critters is provide them with nourishing habitats. For most creatures, people included, a golf course is not a nourishing habitat. 

A golf course is also not really the issue; governance is. Cutting off a conversation before it can be had, à la local government, is a bit like ramming through legislation without debate. It’s an exercise in privilege, and it allows the few to make significant and lasting decisions on behalf of the many. This is, of course, how democracy works. When it’s working well, though, elected officials care about the ambitions of their constituents, and understand the implications of their own decisions. 

As it is, our local leaders seemed to have misplaced the gall that our national leaders have picked up. As a result, our country is staring down the barrel of the Fast-track Approvals Bill, which would override, among others, the Resource Management, Conservation, and Wildlife Acts, while also maintaining an Act that protects a golf course (the Wellington Town Belt Act). Independently, and when taken together, neither piece of legislation preserves what it should. That includes the dignity of the average working-class New Zealander.

This article was updated to clarify that the Fast-Track Approvals Bill was introduced to the House under urgency. It is now with select committee.