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Mihingarangi Forbes, Nevak Rogers and Barry Soper
Mihingarangi Forbes, Nevak Rogers and Barry Soper

OPINIONPoliticsNovember 19, 2024

Who gets to have an opinion on the hīkoi and who must remain ‘impartial’?

Mihingarangi Forbes, Nevak Rogers and Barry Soper
Mihingarangi Forbes, Nevak Rogers and Barry Soper

Newsrooms of old were apparently more impartial. But that’s only because everyone shared the same biases, argues Madeleine Chapman.

Last week, the Herald’s Media Insider (AKA editor-at-large Shayne Currie) reported on some shocking news. Top TVNZ executive Nevak Rogers had taken annual leave from her job as chief content officer to join her whānau on the hīkoi heading for parliament. It was scandalous and worth reporting for two reasons, apparently. One was that Rogers might soon take over the TVNZ newsroom and work in a news role. This hasn’t happened yet, and may never happen, but the fact that she is being considered for the role makes her choice of activity last week newsworthy, according to Currie.

And the second reason: “Just three months ago, the state broadcaster was championing the importance of the impartiality of its newsroom, releasing an editorial policy to enhance its ‘transparency’ and ‘inspiring trust in news’.”

The fact that Rogers is not currently part of the newsroom didn’t seem to matter. Two anonymous TVNZ sources voiced their disapproval of Rogers’ decision, with one saying they mostly disagreed with her posting on her personal Instagram about it. 

At the same time, RNZ confirmed that a photo of Mihingarangi Forbes smiling with a hīkoi leader would be removed from Instagram following complaints of bias directed at the national broadcaster. Forbes is a co-host of the Saturday show but was reporting from the hīkoi in her capacity as host of Mata Reports, a series of longform investigations on Māori topics, platformed by RNZ. Mata Reports had posted the photo of Forbes with the caption “TOITŪ TE TIRITI”.

Earlier in the year, RNZ had also abruptly pulled an episode of It’s Personal With Anika Moa, saying it “did not meet our editorial policy with regards to impartiality”.

The message is clear: if you work in journalism, you shouldn’t have personal opinions. Or if you do, at least have them in private. If not, expect trust in your ability to report the news to diminish.

Here’s a personal opinion for you – that’s bullshit and always has been. And to suggest that voicing an opinion in a personal capacity reflects an inability to be impartial in a news setting is giving away one’s own bias when that question only ever seems to hang over Māori, particularly Māori women.

No one is impartial. We all have a position on everything. Some might say they don’t, but that means their position is to not deem the issue worthy of a position. “Having no position” has been the standard for news media for as long as it has existed. Impartiality, neutrality. Political reporters like Guyon Espiner and Duncan Garner will say they don’t vote, as if by not participating in democracy they have somehow wiped their brain of thoughts. It’s all a farce. 

On Thursday evening, following the haka in parliament during the first reading of the Treaty Principles bill, senior political correspondent and former longtime political editor for Newstalk ZB Barry Soper shared his thoughts on air with his wife, Heather du Plessis-Allan. He called the actions of the opposition, particularly Te Pāti Māori, who started the haka, “an absolute disgrace”. He was clearly voicing his opinion, and that morning had published a short column on the Herald criticising the hīkoi. His views, if not of the bill then at least of the response to it, are crystal clear. But if that is his opinion, would he still be considered impartial enough to report on the bill or response again, or other political matters? Or is this simply his “neutral” opinion?

When you have never felt anything personal at stake in politics, it’s easy to have no position. When you’re straight, it’s easy to have no position on a gay marriage bill (though thousands still did, and horrific ones at that). When you’re a man, it’s easy to intellectualise debates about abortion. When you’re financially stable, it should be easy to not mind beneficiaries getting more support but we all know that’s often not the case. 

For decades, the most privileged people in our society have had the loudest opinions, and most of those opinions have been along the lines of “things are fine for us so why are you complaining?”

The same has been the case for news media “impartiality”. 

The men (mostly straight, mostly white) who made up the vast majority of news media a few decades ago didn’t have a neutrality problem, apparently. But they were only considered impartial because everyone agreed. 

Some would say the examples noted above are from RNZ and TVNZ, state-owned broadcasters, and therefore standards of impartiality should be impeccable. But again, it never has been, so what standard are we trying to return to? It was simply accepted more then because the bias came from the majority.

When Stuff issued its historic apology in 2020, it drew examples from more than 100 years of racist portrayals of Māori in its papers, with many coming from as recent as the early 2000s during the foreshore and seabed hīkoi. The obvious reason behind the racism? A clear lack of Māori journalists in major newsrooms, particularly in decision-making positions. And a lack of feedback from (mostly white) readers disagreeing with their approach.

Dominion Post used the Māori name for the paper alongside the apology in December 2020. (Image: AAP)

Now, there is more disagreement in newsrooms thanks to people with (slightly) different lived experiences working in the media, and there’s a constant feedback loop from readers all over the country thanks to the internet. Which means people who disagree will accuse you of bias. Impartiality hasn’t gotten worse, news just isn’t a monolith any more. And that’s a good thing. 

The Treaty Principles Bill is divisive. David Seymour may have accused Jenny-May Clarkson of bias for describing it as such but that’s not an opinion, it is true. There wouldn’t be tens of thousands of people marching to parliament as I type if it wasn’t divisive.

It is a bill that is being personally felt by a huge number of Māori. Those who are not feeling impacted by it are typically those choosing to actively ignore it for their own sake. Journalists and those in media can’t ignore it because it’s everywhere in their jobs. I would assume (perhaps falsely, but likely not) that every Māori journalist is in broad agreement when it comes to this bill. That is not bias or a lack of consideration. That is a personal response to a personal attack.

A large group of people are gathered on a hill, holding various flags and a banner that reads "Toitū te Tiriti" and "Te Whaka Putanga." The atmosphere is misty, and several individuals are taking photos or recording the event.
The Toitū Te Tiriti hīkoi began at Rerenga Wairua on November 11, 2024. (Image: Supplied)

If there was a bill to reverse the marriage equality law pulled from the biscuit tin, it would be controversial. There would be protests and plenty of op-eds explaining why such a bill would be a backwards step for gay rights in New Zealand. There would be stories about how this bill would affect queer New Zealanders and their place in our society. There would probably be rainbow stickers and pins worn by people all over the country, standing in support of their neighbours.

And if there was an event to raise awareness for the cause, would it be controversial for gay journalists to be there? Would they be expected to present the issue neutrally at all times and just pretend this was hypothetical and not something that would have a direct impact on their lives? Probably not, but it helps that Pākehā would be impacted too. That makes the issue suddenly more real than just Māori complaining again.

This is the problem with impartiality. It’s not an equal effort. If you are part of a marginalised community that’s still fighting for equity, it’s a lot harder to “see both sides”, particularly when one side has been the lone voice for centuries and the other side is feeling all the negative effects of it. We aren’t seeing a rise in bias, we are instead seeing a long overdue balancing of what was previously considered neutral but was in fact an extremely one-sided, two-dimensional view of the world.

Anyone who has read my writing for eight years will know where I stand on any number of issues. That does not lessen my ability to investigate a story or write a reported feature. In fact, I believe it helps to build trust in readers when they can assess the merits of the work, and the context in which it was written, themselves, without everyone pretending it appeared out of thin air. 

Because while editors of old can moan on and on about the “mix of opinion and reporting” (they do have a point here, I spend a lot of my time editing opinion out of feature writing), it’s rare to find a truly impartial journalist or a truly impartial piece of journalism, no matter how it’s dressed up. Choosing to write or publish something at all requires a hierarchy of what’s deemed important or worthy of attention. That in itself is a massive bias.

The Media Insider is a reported column. It’s not marked as opinion and is presented as media industry news. Currie is the former editor and current editor-at-large at the Herald, very much  part of the newsroom. He followed all the standard “rules” of news by seeking comment from detractors and from TVNZ. And yet I knew exactly what he wanted me to think of Rogers while reading it.

Doesn’t seem very impartial to me.

PS In the print edition of the Herald that same day, there was a full page ad promoting the Treaty Principles Bill. A line at the top identified it as an “advocacy advertisement” paid for by Act New Zealand, but will anyone know the difference?

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Madeleine Chapman
— Editor
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Image: The Spinoff

OPINIONPoliticsNovember 18, 2024

We need a minister for big tech, and we need one now

a hand holding a magnifying glass against the logos of facebook, google and amazon against a grid background
Image: The Spinoff

We have a minister for racing, and for space. It’s utterly indefensible that we don’t have one in sole charge of dealing with large technology platforms.

When you start looking, it’s all you see. Just last week, the Commerce Commission announced criminal charges against One NZ for advertisements around its mobile coverage that were somewhat misleading at worst. Yet Facebook’s latest wave of scam advertisements, around fake business closures, only attracted a stern word from Netsafe. Just another week. Not special, only the most recent we have in the books.

We’re running two business sectors – one taxed, tamed, scrutinised and regulated. The other a complete wild west, where actions that would be unimaginable in any other context are routine, shrugged at – accepted as part of our operating environment. I’m talking about what remains of the competitive portion of the real-world business sector in New Zealand. And about large technology platforms that increasingly own and operate our digital life and economy. 

Today we published a cover story I’ve written about what happens where those two sectors meet. It’s about banking, one of the most highly scrutinised and regulated parts of our economy, and social media, which remains completely unimagined by our laws. Over the past year Lane Nichols of the NZ Herald has built an incredible, wrenching portfolio of stories that detail what happens when those two sectors meet. Dylan Reeve wrote for The Spinoff showing just how indifferent Facebook is to anyone trying to report clear and obvious scams – they just aren’t even trying.

a woman with red docs on her face and phone on a light purple backgroun with a threatening aura
Image: Tina Tiller

On one side you have active criminal organisations using Facebook’s sophisticated advertising tools to target vulnerable New Zealanders and steal their money, sometimes their life savings. On the other you have large financial organisations grappling with the end result. No one is saying banks are blameless in all this. But it feels incredibly instructive that Facebook has faced a tiny fragment of the scrutiny that banks have had – and none of the financial penalties or direct demands for investment into solving it.

Andrew Bayly is minister of commerce and consumer affairs, and has been assigned the role of dealing with the scam industry. He has spent much of the year upbraiding banks for their role in the situation, which sees an estimated $200m a year stolen from New Zealanders. But as for social media, his tone is very different, almost deferential. 

“We want to make sure that they are a part of the mix,” he told me. “The unfortunate thing is, [Meta is] obviously a global company, and New Zealand’s a very small part of that pie… The issue with the social media platforms is, how do you get them to engage and concern themselves about New Zealand?”

Honestly, I liked him. He’s a personable, intelligent, engaging guy – but he flips to sound like a total supplicant when talking about Facebook. This is a company that has been running scam ads for as long as it’s been running ads, but that is spending more on stock buybacks and building the unwanted, unloved metaverse each year than it has spent on fraud prevention in a decade. 

For National, which claims to be the party of business and private enterprise, it’s painful watching it desperately hump the leg of any large technology player that shows up with a press release. A few weeks ago Judith Collins hosted “a fun and social evening of fine cocktails, delicious canapés and deep insight from Google… exploring Google’s transformative impact across New Zealand and how AI can be the next wave of growth for our economy and improve citizen outcomes”. An unregulated company that ships $1bn overseas to low-tax jurisdictions, pitching to be our guide into the AI future. Won’t someone, somewhere in government try and figure out the revenue implications of this? 

To be fair, these heart eyes at big tech are hardly unique to National. While prime minister, Jacinda Ardern met Amazon around a $7.5bn data centre investment that still hasn’t started years later, and largely existed to chase our renewable energy mix, even though the extra demand will naturally increase the volume of coal we burn. 

When Facebook livestreamed an atrocity, then ducked the Christchurch Call in response, we did essentially nothing. It just illustrates the extent to which government acts both completely powerless and vaguely starstruck around large technology companies, while making no attempt to deal with the externalities that result from their presence in our society and economy.

Andrew Bayly (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

It’s true that this is a phenomenally complex area. Big technology players have become totally entwined in our lives, and create amazing products that are vital to the way we live now. But we are now almost alone as a country in the enfeebled scale of our legislative response to their presence here. The sole substantial piece of legislation is the Fair Digital News Bargaining Bill, which has taken so long to progress that it now seems to likely have been overtaken by events

Look around the world and it’s a very different story. The EU levies massive fines against them for tax avoidance and has pressured Meta into reduced ad targeting and ad-free versions of Facebook and Instagram. Australia is banning social media for under 16s, is thinking seriously about curbs to misinformation and is contemplating local content quotas for international streaming players. Malaysia is demanding social platforms operate under licences that are contingent on them truly addressing cyber bullying and scams. Singapore is demanding that social networks curb the spread of harmful content

Not all of these will work. Some will fail. And Bayly is not wrong when he says that New Zealand is somewhat limited due to our scale – though we have the same population as Singapore, which is both the host to big tech’s regional headquarters and leading the charge on legislation.

Regardless, we are embarrassingly late and light on legislation. It’s unserious to pretend that the biggest problem in scams is banks, not Facebook. The government should be demanding action under threat of huge fines (or prosecution – maybe when the Commerce Commission is done with One NZ), rather than meekly hoping they might come to a meeting. Otherwise, are we even a sovereign state any more?

In the scams story there’s a passage that I can’t stop thinking about in the context of all this: “A few years ago I asked then broadcasting minister Willie Jackson who he thought was responsible for the social giants. ‘I guess it’s me,’ he replied. Last week I asked DPMC, the all-powerful group that sits behind the prime minister and Cabinet. They told me it was internal affairs minister and Act deputy leader Brooke van Velden. I requested an interview, only to be told that ‘after discussions here, we’ve realised this is one for the minister of commerce and consumer affairs, Hon Andrew Bayly’.”

That is precisely the problem. We don’t have a minister where the buck stops. We have ministers for all kinds of things – for racing, for space – but none for the large technology platforms that govern our digital lives. Oversight is platooned across internal affairs, communications and media, digitising government, revenue, consumer affairs and commerce and likely more besides. Paul Goldsmith is probably the most in charge, and a very cerebral guy – but social media feels like the least important part of his least significant portfolio, which says it all.

This is to the distinct advantage of the tech companies, who lean into the complexity and benefit from our institutional paralysis. But we, as a country, are losing here. It’s long overdue to have a single minister in charge of large technology platforms. One single source of power and responsibility for the tiny handful of global platforms that oversee the whole of the digital economy and internet itself. There is no single person to stare them down, formulate legislation and demand they contribute meaningfully to our society. We need a minister for big tech, and we need one now.

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