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SocietyNovember 19, 2018

A petty matter: Why it’s OK that teens don’t know what ‘trivial’ means

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Getty Images

News that the word ‘trivial’ had stumped students taking an NCEA history exam has prompted worldwide ridicule and much handwringing about the state of New Zealand education. But is that really the right reaction, asks high school teacher and author Bernard Beckett.

Trawling through the comments section of news sites, like driving on this country’s roads, provides a reliable and dispiriting reminder of the level of misdirected anger bubbling beneath our collective skin. Last week’s news that students were signing a petition in protest at the use of the word ‘trivial’ in their level three history exam provided happy fodder for the perpetually dissatisfied. You will be able to anticipate the responses for yourselves. That young people should struggle with such a simple word was a sure sign of the anaemic state of the modern vocabulary, an indictment of the modern education system, yet another example of the inability of our youth to suck it up and take responsibility, and certain proof that teachers everywhere should never ever receive a pay rise of any description: smugness and questionable grammar snuggling up close, getting nostalgic for a world that never was.

And yet the incidence of an apparently innocuous word causing such consternation amongst exam candidates speaks to a number of interesting issues. The first is how quickly language changes, and how difficult it is to pick up these changes when they are intergenerational. The people setting the exam have no doubt been surprised that the word ‘trivial’ is not widely recognised by the young. So was I. I had no idea it had slipped out of common usage. But then I teach mathematics and have an interest in philosophy and trivial has an important meaning in both those fields. Even if I didn’t, I grew up in a world where the word was often used. I also grew up in the countryside and so as a child knew the difference between a cow, a heifer and a steer. None of these things speak to the general state of my vocabulary, just the context in which it was acquired.

Speaking to a history teacher following the exam, I was interested to hear that the problem with ‘trivial’ was not confined to struggling students, but affected candidates of all abilities. Top students were caught out because the examiners did not realise a word was no longer widely understood. Students were able to make guesses based on the usages they were familiar with, specifically trivia quizzes of various kinds. So some students assumed that trivial meant highly detailed and specific. And fair enough too – the questions in Trivial Pursuit are rarely trivial in the way implied by the quote in the exam. So it might be less a case that students don’t know what trivial means, and more a case that the meaning of the word trivial is changing.

Back in comments world, the response to this is predictably unsympathetic. If students can’t decipher a simple word like trivial, then they don’t deserve to pass the exam, sayeth the trolls, and yet this completely misunderstands what assessment is trying to do. One student, writing on the petition website, spoke of sitting for forty five minutes feeling stupid because she didn’t know what the word meant. Quite possibly she was a very well prepared candidate who went into the exam with an awful lot to say about the complex relationship between cause and effect and, had she been able to understand the question, might have written eloquently on the way history unfolds. We’ll never know, because the question didn’t afford her an opportunity to present her skills for assessment. That’s the very definition of a bad question, not a bad candidate.

This has long been a problem with assessments in education. Too often they have been a mechanism for identifying a student’s background rather than their skill set or knowledge base. Examiners, drawn as they are from a narrow range of circumstances, often unwittingly rely upon shibboleths as a means of identifying those worthy of reward.

There is a degree of irony in the fact that NCEA, which was designed in part to minimise this problem, may instead have made it worse. In its attempts to clearly identify the skill being tested, parsing subjects into artificially constituent parts, and provide clear evidence of the skill being applied, it has become increasingly wordy. Mathematics papers, once the place of number, symbol and algebra, are increasingly gift wrapped in complex, scene setting language. Creative students, producing photographs, theatre, pieces of furniture or musical compositions, are asked to produce written explanations of their processes and intentions. The net result has been one of reliably identifying and rewarding only two skill sets, literacy and organisation. Both are important, for sure, but they are not the only skills in play, and too often a student who is superb at one thing, can find no way of that being recognised simply because they can not make their way through the thicket of deadlines, criteria and pompous language that defends the assessment from its would-be conquerors.

A student can have an excellent grasp of complex numbers, but still fail because they could not understand the ridiculous contextual preamble to the question facing them. And yet their result sheet will not make any claim to pass judgement on their literacy. It will instead make a statement about their capacity to deal with polar forms and conjugates, and it will be wrong.

In secondary schools it can be a little tricky to get a certain type of adolescent to get organised to meet deadlines, just as it can be sometimes challenging to get them to care much about the minutiae of assessment tasks. So much that we ask of them appears, well, trivial and it is their instinct to treat it as such. On the other hand, there is another type far more prone to needless anxiety, for whom every last detail, requirement and word is pored over, lest they should fail to gain the approval they have been taught to crave. Increasingly high schools are characterised by populations of students that are essentially unmotivated, and populations that are far too motivated, to the point of illness. In both cases a non-trivial cause is the nature of assessments we’re inflicting upon them, and the spectacularly foolish emphasis we place upon their results. Meanwhile the important, difficult to measure skills, things like the ability to listen to others, to display kindness or feel hope and gratitude, are paid little more than lip service.

So, which word in a 2018 exam caused students to start a petition because they thought it unfair? That’s going to make an excellent trivia question one day.

Bernard Beckett is an author and teacher. He has worked in NZ secondary schools for almost three decades and currently teaches mathematics and drama.


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Various guns on display
Various guns on display

SocietyNovember 18, 2018

How Australia’s NRA-inspired lobby is trying to chip away at gun control laws

Various guns on display
Various guns on display

In an attempt to unwind the country’s gun regulations, Australia’s version of the NRA knows that state governments are as good a place as any to start.

One of the more noticeable ad campaigns in the upcoming Victoria state election comes from a seemingly unlikely source. The Shooting Industry Foundation of Australia (SIFA) seeks to unwind Australia’s gun regulations and knows that state governments are as good a place as any to start.

SIFA is a key part of Australia’s gun lobby, and uses the same tactics as its American equivalent, the National Rifle Association (NRA). Like the NRA, SIFA seeks to co-opt democratic norms to force change, even when it is directly at odds with overwhelming public opinion.

The NRA playbook

A common misconception about the NRA is that it’s a “grass-roots” organisation. This implies that policy comes from its many paid members, and then works its way up to the leaders, who dutifully implement the will of their constituents.

Not so: the NRA’s policies are set by America’s gun industry, which has a vested (financial) interest in lax gun laws. The gun industry controls the NRA’s board and appoints its directors (they are not democratically elected by NRA members), and also dictates policy. This is why the NRA resists almost any calls for stricter gun control, even though NRA members themselves favour some restrictions (such as tougher background checks), not to mention the wider American electorate.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=16&v=7FOqoR2aj1A

Meanwhile, along with its prevalence of guns, America suffers a mass shooting nine out of every 10 days on average and a shocking number of school massacres.

So, how can the NRA get its way, in spite of so many problems, and being so widely disliked?

It succeeds because it uses America’s representative political system to get its way. The NRA knows that policy is made through leverage: financially supported groups of elected officials can promote its policies, even when the wider public favours tighter gun control laws and Democrats make efforts to try to pass them.

It also uses sophisticated advertisements, and “education” campaigns to muddy the waters and spread misinformation on the efficacy of gun control. (Needless to say, the NRA suggests gun control doesn’t work, despite significant evidence that it does.)

SIFA and the Australian gun lobby

There are some similarities between the NRA and SIFA – and some key differences.

Like the NRA, SIFA is also backed by the gun industry, such as the Beretta family (who are adamant that guns are inextricably linked to freedom) and NIOA (a major gun importer in Australia that was featured in a recent 4 Corners special on the gun industry).

As with the NRA, SIFA is also willing to use a range of tools to get its way. And, as with America, the power to make gun control laws in Australia rests with the states, as well as the federal government.

Yet, SIFA knows there is little support in Australia for weak gun control laws and adopting the NRA’s more aggressive stances would backfire. Australians would react very negatively to an overt push to relax gun laws.

So, the group instead claims it wants to “simplify, not weaken” gun laws (though its principle sources of funding do indeed want to “weaken” rather than merely “simplify” these statutes).

And, when SIFA launched advertisements ahead of the Victoria election, they were not designed to change people’s minds on gun control. Instead, the ad blitz has relied on the catchy, if derivative, slogan “Not Happy Dan”, made famous by the “Not Happy Jan” Yellow Pages ads. And its focus is not on gun control, but rather the performance and competency of the Labor Government.

The campaign is designed to weaken Labor, which favours tighter gun control, perhaps with the hope that any newly elected independents in the state will be pro-gun. SIFA knows that if the balance of power rests with a handful of independents after the election, especially those from parties like the Shooters, Fishers and Farmers Party, then there is a possibility that Australia’s highly effective gun control laws can be slowly unwound.

Given SIFA had the same strategy last year in the Queensland election, it seems clear it has a strategy to try to influence Australian politics wherever it can. And with its financial backers continuing to win government contracts in Australia, it is also likely SIFA will have no shortage of funding in the future.

Undoing hard-won change

On the eve of the Victoria election, Melbourne was shocked by an attack by a madman with a knife on Bourke Street in the CDB. But the city also remembers what happened when a madman went on a rampage with a gun 30 years ago, not far away on Hoddle Street. Seven people were killed and 19 wounded.

This memory, along with many others, sits in stark contrast to the conspicuous lack of gun deaths following the introduction of tighter gun laws in Australia in 1996. This fundamentally underpins much of the country’s resistance to weaker gun laws, and the gun lobby knows it.

America’s guns laws were weakened through a gradual process. This involved the patient undermining of the popular will through the passage of favourable laws in state legislatures – the blocking of others – and a continuing narrative that linked guns with freedom and gun control with an evil or “nanny” state.

The Australian gun lobby has learnt from this American example, and its methods emulate it. Expect to see more from SIFA in the lead-up to other elections in the future – Australia’s very own NRA.The Conversation

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article here.