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(IMAGE: TINA TILLER)
(IMAGE: TINA TILLER)

NZIERSeptember 4, 2020

Why are Labour and National policies basically the same?

(IMAGE: TINA TILLER)
(IMAGE: TINA TILLER)

Our two main political parties are pretty similar. The NZIER public good team uses an economic tool called Hotelling’s law to explain why National and Labour are creeping closer together.

On October 17, we resident adults will elect New Zealand’s government to see us through the next three years, including what’s left of 2020 – a period most of us have pretty much written off. The election campaign is only just getting started, but the claws are already out: criticism of Covid-19 tactics, a debacle over the election date, graffiti on party posters; the list goes on. Judith Collins reckons it’s going to be a dirty election, and we’re ready to see it unfold.     

The way Labour and National are at each other’s throats, not just right now but all the time, you’d think their policies were polar opposites. Or, at least, you’d expect some clear differences worth fighting for. In some cases that’s true: for example, National would like to remove restrictions on foreign ownership of houses, while Labour would continue with restrictions (at least, they haven’t said otherwise). National would reverse the recent vocational education reforms, while Labour would continue them. 

But really, while there are some cosmetic differences, they’re actually sort of similar. Looking through Policy, it’s clear both Labour and National are happy to maintain benefits at the current level. Income tax rates are one area where you might expect to see real difference of opinion, but National’s policy is to keep them as they are, and Labour has no specific policy, suggesting it’s happy with the current rates. Then there are the areas where both Labour and National have no policies, like refugee quotas, immigration, freedom of expression, renting, and Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This either suggests they haven’t got round to it yet, or are both happy to endorse the status quo.   

How did we end up with two main parties that are basically pretending to do things differently? One economist, Harold Hotelling, wrote a paper all the way back in 1929 that helps explain why this happens. Luckily for us, “Hotelling’s law” (not to be confused with his “rule, or his “lemma) is best explained with ice cream.  

Two choices are before you. (Photo: Getty Images)

Imagine it’s a perfect summer’s day, and like any sensible New Zealander you’re at the beach. You’ve set up camp in your spot, and little clusters of other people are lounging in their respective spots. It’s weird to set up right next to another group when there’s a whole beach, so you’re all spread out pretty evenly.

You actually picked this beach because you’ve heard it’s the launch day for two new ice cream stands, both set up literally on the beach (we know it’s a bit weird two ice cream stands chose the same launch date, just bear with us). The ice cream stands are offering the same ice creams at the same prices (yes, we know, also weird), so since there’s no difference, you just go for the closer one. The two stands have positioned themselves so one is a quarter of the way along the beach, and the other is three-quarters along the beach. All the little clusters of people spread out across the beach don’t have too far to go to get to their nearest ice cream, and each stand picks up half the custom of the beach.  

You had such a great day at the beach eating ice cream, you go back the next day. Once again happy people are spread out across the length of the beach, enjoying the sun. The ice cream sellers are there again, but something has changed. The one on the left side of the beach has shuffled in a bit to the centre. Very savvy of them – they now pick up more custom, because by moving towards the middle, they’re still closest to those on the left, but also get closer to more people on the right. 

By lunchtime, the one on the right has realised it’s missing out and there’s a simple solution – it relocates towards the middle itself, reclaiming its customers.  

Basically, this process repeats until the two stands find themselves next to each other in the middle, with the one on the left picking up all beach-goers to the left and the one on the right picking up those on the right. It’s a shame, really, because they both get the same share of the beach as on the first day, but now some people have to travel the entire half length of the beach to get their ice cream. 

What’s this got to do with the election? 

You can probably see where we’re going with this. When there are two main political parties, they can undergo the same sort of process – both creeping towards the middle of the political spectrum in order to capture all the voters that sit on either side. People think that’s why many countries with two main political parties can end up with very similar-looking parties. There are other everyday instances of Hotelling’s law in action: for example, Burger King and McDonald’s are often found right next to each other. And academics once used it to explain why two airlines in the US had uncannily similar departure times.   

Just a minute – let’s talk about this ‘political spectrum’

Basically, this is a way of thinking about how political parties sit relative to one another. A person or party’s position on the left-to-right spectrum tends to be based on how they think the economy should be organised. A political spectrum is different to a beach in that there is no fixed midpoint – the spectrum can be centred around the “median voter”. By that, we mean if you line up all 3,772,100 voters in the country from the most left-leaning to the most right-leaning, the person in the middle marks the centre point of our political beach.

In general, the left side prefers when stuff (education, healthcare, postal service, factories, resources) is owned and managed by government. Basically, the more you want to be overseen by government, the further to the left you sit. On the right, people generally prefer private ownership, so the government takes a smaller role as you move outwards, until you reach a tiny government to oversee an economy that basically looks after itself. The labelling of the “far right” or “alt right” complicates things, as these ideologies basically have nothing in common with the economic right, but have a label based more on extreme social values. This is just one example of a one-dimensional political spectrum missing important information. People disagree about how relevant this spectrum is today, since there’s a lot more to parties than their economic policies. 

Current National leader Judith Collins and Labour leader Jacinda Ardern appear together on the AM Show in April 2017

That said, in New Zealand, people tend to agree that Labour sits just to the left of centre, while National sit just to the right. Of course, we also have an interesting dispersion of significant smaller parties ready to make up a coalition; the Greens sit to the left of Labour, Act to the right of National, and New Zealand First squeezes right in the middle. With several parties in the mix, there’s more of an incentive for each party to be a bit different from the closest one. With coalitions pretty much the norm, there are plenty of reasons to vote for a smaller party. But since we got the MMP system in 1996, every government has been led by National or Labour.

Obviously, we can’t completely boil down an election to ice cream selling. There’s a lot more going on. We have several parties to choose from, and a party cannot simply “position” itself to attract the most votes – it needs to be trustworthy, accountable to members, and actually want the policy. There are also many things affecting voters aside from policy, like leadership personality, individual MPs, or just voting the way your friends vote. But Hotelling’s law has certainly stood the test of time, and continues to explain how the two biggest parties tend to meet somewhere in the middle. 

Keep going!
Emma McInnes biking in Auckland city (Photo: ONMas)
Emma McInnes biking in Auckland city (Photo: ONMas)

NZIERJune 20, 2020

Cycling: the costs, the benefits, and the culture clash

Emma McInnes biking in Auckland city (Photo: ONMas)
Emma McInnes biking in Auckland city (Photo: ONMas)

Cycling is an unusually controversial topic. The NZIER public good team explains why the government invests in cycle lanes, and why they make some people so mad. 

Under lockdown, we saw nature healing. The air was fresh and clean, native birdsong filled our ears, and bikes returned to the roads. It’s not surprising that bike owners dusted off their wheels and tentatively re-claimed the road – cycling allowed physical distancing and exercise, and there were very few cars to pose a threat.

“In the two days leading up to alert level four, we ran out of electric bikes for people to rent for the lockdown period,” says Ryan O’Connell, owner of Wellington e-bike rental shop Switched On Bikes. “Now they’ve had a taste of the ease and convenience that biking offers, many have taken up longer-term electric bike subscriptions.” Unfortunately, our level one freedoms have led to roads once again being filled with cars and they no longer have the appealing empty feel. If only there was some way for people on bikes to travel around safely.

If only there were more cycle lanes. 

If you just had a visceral response to the words “cycle lanes”, you’re not alone – here in New Zealand, we care a lot about them. Love them or hate them, you probably have an opinion. In Wellington, hotly anticipated funds for temporary cycle lanes were pulled last minute following threatened legal action around a “misleading” consultation process. And the Island Bay cycle lane? Best to not get into that fiasco.

The point is, the way our roads and pavements are set up can have a major effect on our lives, affecting our regular journeys, the vehicles we choose, and the amount of risk we undertake. But with all these strong feelings around an expensive piece of transport infrastructure, it becomes very difficult to know who to listen to. So what tools do we have to help make an objective decision? 

Fortunately, when it comes to the major cross-region decisions, the well-established decision-making process around transport involves a really big calculation (local councils tend to have their own processes for local decisions). Essentially, the New Zealand Transport Agency (NZTA) attempts to add up all the costs and all the benefits of the project and makes sure the benefits are not only bigger than the costs, but are also bigger than the benefits of other options.

Technically, it’s called a social cost-benefit analysis, because it’s meant to capture not just the financial cost, but the social cost too – all measured in money. Obviously, putting a price tag on social value gets a little complicated, but fortunately, the NZTA has a 536-page Economic Evaluation Manual (EEM) which outlines exactly which costs and which benefits need to be included and how you count them. Don’t worry, we read it so you don’t have to.  

What are the costs? 

The cost side is pretty straightforward, because many of the costs are already measured in money. There’s the cost of the materials, the labour, the land, the maintenance, and of actually designing the thing. Costs are called “whole-of-life” costs which means you consider the costs for the whole expected lifespan of the project. 

What are the benefits? 

This is where things get interesting. The EEM’s got a massive list of benefits to include, depending on the nature of the project. Firstly, the obvious: vehicle operating cost savings, crash cost savings, and parking user cost savings. These are nice and tangible – they’re simply savings we can add up.

Then there are some that are a bit harder to measure: travel time cost savings, risk reduction benefits, vehicle emission reduction benefits, and walking and cycling health benefits. Health factors tend to dominate the benefits side for cycle lanes because cycling is really good for you. The NZTA allows for an overall benefit of $1.45 per cyclist per kilometre which is made up of $1.30 for health benefits, five cents for safety, and 10 cents for reducing road traffic. So if you start cycling six kilometres five days a week, that’s $39 worth of health benefits a week – nice! 

What about someone who inexplicably just hates cycle lanes. Do you account for their wellbeing?   

Sorry, the NZTA decided not to include that. Maybe they’re cancelled out by all the people who love to see a cycle lane.

Remember that people on bikes reduce the number of cars on the roads, so really they’re doing everyone a favour. But it isn’t missed because they don’t know how to measure it – “driver frustration reduction benefits” are actually counted when passing lanes are being weighed up, a road feature which undeniably makes driving more pleasant. In fact, they do actually manage to put a dollar amount on it.

You can have a go: take a moment to think about how much you’d be prepared to pay for a passing lane for the whole way of a regular journey you make. Go on, have a think. A dollar? Ten if you’re late? If you’re a bit freaked by that question, don’t worry – the survey which asked unsuspecting drivers in petrol stations came back with a lot of zero dollars because it’s really difficult to answer.

The researchers later went back and instead asked what time or distance they would be prepared to travel in order to have a passing lane for the whole journey – something that’s a bit easier to think about – and then put a monetary value on the extra time or distance. On that basis, the NZTA reckons it’s worth 3.5 cents per vehicle per kilometre of constructed passing lane. 

This design for the Waitemata Safe Routes, by Boffa Miskell, received warm public support when put back out to the public for consultation in late 2018. As yet, this project – originally part of the 2015 Urban Cycleways Programme – is yet to be advanced to reality. (Image: AT)

What about time frame? 

Now we know which costs and benefits to include, we need to think about when they happen. In general, people prefer benefits which happen now over benefits which happen later – you’d probably rather eat the cake now than wait until tomorrow. And these costs and benefits are all being accrued at different times. Essentially, you pick a discount rate – that is, the rate you’re willing to trade-off present benefits and costs against future ones. The NZTA uses 6% so they’re saying benefits that happen in one year’s time are worth 6% less than benefits that happen today.

The right discount rate is a pretty controversial topic among economists because there really isn’t an objective way to choose one – it takes value judgements to decide how much to value the future. The discount rate affects the whole calculation, so it’s worth checking the numbers with a range – the NZTA recommend also testing 4% and 8% to make sure the results are nice and robust.  

So I’ve got my costs, benefits, and time discounting – now what? 

The moment of truth: it’s time to do the sums. People tend to report the outcome of a cost-benefit analysis with a “benefit-cost ratio” (BCR) which is the total present value of benefits, divided by the total present value of costs. So if the BCR is bigger than one, the benefits outweigh the costs. If you’re comparing a load of different options, this ratio is helpful for getting the most cost-effective choice. 

And you’re telling me this is objective? 

As you can see, a cost-benefit analysis done well really does try to include all the costs and benefits as thoroughly as possible. The problem is, with so many separate parts to calculate, it’s possible that some of the valuations miss the mark. For example, the benefits of cycle lanes are measured per bike, but the number of bikes that use the lane once it’s introduced could be very different to the estimated amount.

There’s also the fact that cost-benefit analysis doesn’t consider who the costs and the benefits fall on. But for all its misgivings, decision makers faced with choices around which investments to fund using a limited pot of money need some sort of calculation to help make an informed choice, and the more comprehensive, the better  as long as the cost-benefit analysis doesn’t become the only source of information. 

Essentially, we all carry out a mini cost-benefit analysis in our heads every time we leave the house and decide what transport to use. We’ll account for time, weather, convenience, or just trust the decision we made last time.

You might make a very different decision to someone else, even if they’re making the same journey, because you value the costs and benefits differently. This goes to show that there’s certainly subjectivity at play, so it’s best not to leave these big, important decisions to the whims of a mathematical formula. That’s when we want a decision maker who can consider not just the costs and benefits, but the context of the decision and how people feel about it.

That’s the role of the transport minister – to take a cost-benefit analysis alongside the consultations and petitions, make a decision, and be held to account.  

This content was created in paid partnership with NZIER. Learn more about our partnerships here