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It’s time to let go of our national obsession. (Image: Tina Tiller).
It’s time to let go of our national obsession. (Image: Tina Tiller).

OPINIONSocietyDecember 9, 2021

Why we shouldn’t glorify Lord of the Rings

It’s time to let go of our national obsession. (Image: Tina Tiller).
It’s time to let go of our national obsession. (Image: Tina Tiller).

Peter Jackson’s trilogy has been loved by New Zealand for 20 years. Naomii Seah asks if it’s time we take a closer look. 

Lord of the Rings is meticulously crafted, beautifully shot and visionary. The project pioneered visual effects techniques and camera work, employed over 20,000 people in New Zealand alone, and has boosted our national revenue through tourism and merchandise. 

But I still don’t like it. 

Why? Well, for one I have the attention span of a gnat, and more than three hours per movie is just too much. But that’s my own fault for watching too many TikToks. 

Jokes aside, JRR Tolkien, although in many ways progressive for his time, was not immune to the rhetoric of eugenics and imperialism that permeated Britain in the early-mid 20th century. There’s been endless debate about whether Tolkien was racist. I don’t care about that. But he was a British citizen, writing around the time of World War II. And it shows in his description of Orcs as “squat, broad, flat-nosed, sallow-skinned, with wide mouths and slant eyes: in fact degraded and repulsive versions of the (to Europeans) least lovely Mongol-types”. It’s also evident in the way Orc-Goblins and Orc-Men are considered monstrous: an unpleasant echo of the mid-20th-century eugenics movement, which sought to prevent inter-ethnic marriages. Genetic determinism is also front and centre in Middle-Earth, driving its central conflict.

Lawrence Makoare as Lurtz, the Uruk-hai captain (Source: Villains Wikia / Fandom.com)

For a film that began production in 1997, Jackson and co sure did carry over a lot of that 1950s prejudice. 

Twenty years ago may seem like a long time. “Times were different in the early 2000s!” I hear you yell across the internet abyss. But it had been an even longer time between the publication of The Fellowship of the Ring in 1954 and Jackson’s film. 

Between 1954 and 1997, apartheid and the civil rights movement had brought global attention to systemic racism. Locally, the 1970s and 80s saw an era dubbed the “Māori renaissance”, where indigenous arts and language flourished, as those who’d had their culture beaten out of them began to reclaim their whakapapa. 

Increasing indigenous activism saw a rebrand of New Zealand as a “bicultural nation”, and perceptions of race relations between Māori and Pākehā continued to be seen positively overseas, despite the realities of day-to-day life. 

And in the midst of this swirling debate about race relations, biculturalism and equity, Jackson created… a white imperialist film?

Let’s unpack. Tolkien aimed to create a sense of history with Middle-Earth. Tolkien’s hobbits are meant to represent domestic middle-class England; a romanticised, pastoral, simple way of life that is long gone. Hobbits are “ordinary folk” and in Jackson’s films, “ordinary folk” are exclusively white – or at least white-passing. 

That seems particularly damaging when one considers the film’s positioning as part of New Zealand’s national identity. Are all New Zealanders meant to identify with the (white) hobbits? It’s a callback to the settler culture of New Zealand in the 20th century, when Pākehā glorified the “motherland” and anglophilia dominated the emerging culture.

Jackson himself noted that his vision of Middle-Earth is “more like history than fantasy”, and in his interpretation of the texts, Jackson has made it clear that his vision of history is white. 

So where are all the people of colour in Jackson’s Middle-Earth? Surprise! They’re the bad guys. The screen adaptation takes the racial coding of Tolkien’s description of the Orcs and supercharges it. In the films, Lawrence Makoare and Sala Baker – two of the few cast members of colour – played the villainous Uruk-hai captain Lurtz, and Sauron himself. Lurtz’s “White hand of Saruman” bears disturbing resemblance to Aboriginal body art, and the facial piercings, darkened skin and dreadlocked hair of the “evil” races are all cultural markers of ethnic minorities. 

While Tolkien at least attempts to humanise the Orcs in his novels, there’s little such nuance in Jackson’s films. Orcs are born bad, from literal mud and filth, and they oppose “ordinary” – white – people. 

The central irony is the close association of “free peoples” and nature. It’s a radically revisionist interpretation of “history”, considering colonisation decimated the landscape of Aotearoa. So it seems extra insidious that an English, and let’s face it, white narrative, which explicitly labels the north and west “good” in opposition to the “evil” east and south, has become so deeply rooted in the national consciousness. 

It’s a beautiful film, and for New Zealand watchers, it’s particularly gratifying to see local scenes displayed in breathtaking panoramic shots. But Jackson’s film is not set in New Zealand. And the conflation of Middle-Earth – with its English values and imperial undertones – with our post-colonial nation is a troubling one. Particularly when the film, and Jackson, are placed on such high pedestals.

But it’s time we had a closer look at our cultural narratives. Who’s writing them? Who’s funding it? (Spoiler, the New Zealand army helped build Hobbiton. Make of that what you will). What are their interests? And as a nation, aren’t we trying to move on from the atrocities of the colonial era?

So before anyone accuses me of being unpatriotic, let me finish by clearing the air. I don’t hate Jackson’s work. I hate what it stands for.

We’re talking about elves, dwarves, cave trolls and sneaky little hobbitses for an entire week. Read the rest of our dedicated Lord of the Rings 20th anniversary coverage here.

Keep going!
South Auckland politicians have raised concerns about a proposed eco-friendly property development. (Photo: Supplied, additional design Tina Tiller)
South Auckland politicians have raised concerns about a proposed eco-friendly property development. (Photo: Supplied, additional design Tina Tiller)

SocietyDecember 9, 2021

Plans for 5000-home, car-less South Auckland community run into road block

South Auckland politicians have raised concerns about a proposed eco-friendly property development. (Photo: Supplied, additional design Tina Tiller)
South Auckland politicians have raised concerns about a proposed eco-friendly property development. (Photo: Supplied, additional design Tina Tiller)

It could become the template for how to create a low emission, eco-friendly neighbourhood, but first developers will have to convince politicians such a project is even possible. 

Imagine a car-less, solar-powered neighbourhood, where your kids can walk to school, your parents’ retirement village is just a short bike ride away and to do your shopping, you just hop on a little electric “sunbus” that silently zips around your streets. The community also includes a hospital, more than a hundred retail outlets, employment hubs providing upwards of 11,000 jobs, as well as 22 hectares of parks and wetlands to explore. 

It might sound like a dream come true for any eco-minded family wanting to escape soul-destroying traffic and the increasing intensification slowly choking the joy out of living in Auckland. 

But whether such a dream could be a short-term reality hinges on a meeting next Monday between housing minister Megan Woods and Winton property group chief executive Chris Meehan. The pair, along with their associated staff, will be discussing whether the minister will overturn a decision made by her officials at Kāinga Ora to deny the property developer’s request to get a fast-tracked consent for their proposed 5000-house Sunfield project in Papakura, South Auckland, under the government’s new Urban Development Act (UDA). The UDA aims to reduce barriers for urban development which include providing a streamlined approval process for special types of projects called specified development projects (SDPs).

The Sunfield development, which also includes three aged-care facilities, five retail centres and 250,000 square metres of healthcare, educational and employment buildings, promises to be a “15 minute” neighbourhood by ensuring amenities, homes, employment and shopping needs can all be accessed by walking, e-bike, scooter or Sunbus. 

Meehan says it came as a complete surprise to hear Kāinga Ora had turned down their application. 

“It’s fair to say we were astonished,” he says. “But more so, we were astonished by the reasons which really amounted to that we didn’t need their money, so we shouldn’t get access to their fast-track.

“But we will meet with the minister on the 13th and we’ll be hopeful she overturns Kāinga Ora’s decision, because we don’t believe their decision has any merit. “

Kāinga Ora spokesperson Katja Lietz says says the decision was made for a number of reasons, including concerns the proposal didn’t align with the intention of the UDA, the significant flood risks in the area and that there would be less consultation if Sunfield was approved to be a SDP.

“Proposed infrastructure to address the risk of flooding would only be feasible in willing partnership with Auckland Council. We proposed discussions with council to explore this and the proposer declined,” says Lietz, Kāinga Ora’s general manager for urban planning and design. 

“The need to consult widely and to obtain local council support remains. Progressing this development through the usual RMA process provides a framework for the zone changes and consents they seek, so this is by no means the end of the road for it.”

Auckland councillor Angela Dalton and Franklin Local Board chair Andy Baker. (Photo: Auckland Council)

Kāinga Ora’s caution is also shared by two experienced local politicians who have seen the devastation floods have caused in the region over the last few years

Auckland councillor for the Manurewa-Papakura ward Angela Dalton says that while she’s supportive of the development’s environmentally conscious intentions, she’s concerned about the impact another concentration of houses will have on the area. 

When there’s heavy rainfall, she says, “basically the water has nowhere to go. There’s a lot of peat around there because thousands of years ago it was a kauri forest and now it’s a kauri swamp.”

She believes that further investment from Watercare will be needed before any further intensification of the area. 

“There’s a lot of developments out there that probably shouldn’t have been consented. So It’s clear to me that Kāinga Ora is probably not going to touch it with a barge-pole because it’s going to require heavy, heavy investment. And if they are going to do something about it, it probably needs to be a much wider, broader approach beyond what will just serve this particular community.” 

A flooded rural road in South Auckland from 2017. (Photo: RNZ/Tom Furley)

Franklin Local Board chair Andy Baker says on top of the flooding risks, having a development right next to the Ardmore airport is also a concern. 

“I do query the location,” he says. “Building on peat and what that means regarding displacing water plus its proximity to the airport really worries me. The airport plays a big role as a training airfield, so it requires a lot of touchdowns, with young pilots coming in and out, in and out and that already causes dramas with people who live in the vicinity now.”

But Meehan says the flooding risks have been overblown. “Council has already spent tens of millions of dollars building stormwater infrastructure to accommodate this site,” he says. 

“And we went off and had a big engineering firm, engineer a stormwater solution and then we had a further two big engineering firms peer review it, and all three of them concurred that the problem was very easily solved within the existing infrastructure.”

To lessen the impact of being close to an airport, the development will be designed in such a way that the commercial and light industrial parts of the area will be built closest to the airport so noise pollution doesn’t become an issue for residents. 

Winton chief executive Chris Meehan and housing minister Dr Megan Woods. (Photo: Supplied)

Meehan says going through the Resource Management Act process could push a start date out by almost a decade. He notes that his company isn’t asking for any government or council funding. 

“What we’re saying to the minister is that Auckland needs this project, so you can consent it on a pathway that could take as little as a year and or we could go through a traditional route that would take as long as eight or nine years,” he says. 

“We’re not asking for a handout of even $1. We’ve already spent millions on engineering for this and where the infrastructure needs to be extended, we’ll pay for it.”

Woods says once she’s met with Winton, she expects to make a decision in the new year, following advice from officials. 

“I expect to get advice on the Sunfield development from the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development in the new year, and in the meantime will be meeting with Winton’s representatives.”

Given the site already has consent for 1500 houses, Meehan says another option could be to progress only with a smaller, more traditional car-based development. But for Meehan such an approach would be a disappointing concession given the potential its current plans have to re-imagine how new neighbourhoods can be created. 

“To me this development fulfills everything the government asks for. It lowers emissions, it fixes the transport problem and it fixes a housing problem. As developers we’re keen to solve those problems, and we also think it’s the way forward.”

But whatever gets decided, it seems likely these types of disputes will only increase as businesses and governments grapple with how to prepare for a low carbon future while balancing their present needs and challenges.