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Image: Archi Banal
Image: Archi Banal

OPINIONPoliticsMarch 20, 2023

The utter folly of cutting public transport funding in the regions

Image: Archi Banal
Image: Archi Banal

Regional public transport is where money can do the most good in the shortest time. So why is the government giving the regions’ funding to the main centres?

I used to think of public transport mainly as a way to reduce our environmental impact. It was only when I started my mission to take one bus a week in New Plymouth that I realised the crucial role public transport plays in lifting up those struggling most. And how when it’s not there, opportunities dramatically reduce.

On our buses I’ve had several conversations that have nearly brought me to tears. There was the 63-year-old man learning to read and write for the first time. One passenger told me she can’t take most of the cleaning shifts she’s offered because there’s no evening or weekend buses. A man said he’s finally attending polytech after five years unemployed.

New Plymouth’s less-than-hourly, largely Monday-to-Friday, finishes-around-6pm service is not unusual for the regions. After the massive reforms of the late 80s and early 90s, public transport funding fell far more in regions than main centres, and has mostly stayed low. Recently, areas like Otago, Horizons and Nelson-Tasman have expanded some services, with great results. Alongside efforts to reduce transport emissions, most thought regional public transport investment was on the up.

Then last week, we got a shock. Prime minister Chris Hipkins announced a suite of changes to government plans. Aiming to relieve costs of living and save money to build back better after the floods, it included shifting future investment in public transport from regions to the five main centres: Auckland, Hamilton, Tauranga, Wellington and Christchurch. Hipkins said it’s because that’s where the biggest difference can be made to reducing transport emissions.

I don’t think the calculations add up. We need more investment in public transport everywhere, but shifting money from regional public transport to main centres is moving it away from where it can do the most good in the shortest time, regardless of whether your priority is reducing emissions, relieving living costs or saving money to help flood-hit regions.

Image: Tina Tiller

Public transport saves more than it costs

It’s rarely possible to save money by chopping public transport. When it’s reduced, other costs balloon – if folk can’t get to work they need benefits, if they can’t access education they earn less, if they can’t get to the doctor they get sicker, and if there’s no bus they’re far more likely to have a car accident. The list goes on.

The World Economic Forum relays the whopping size of public transport’s return-on-investment: Every $1 invested in public transport generates $5 across the economy. To save money, it makes more sense to expand public transport funding rather than cut it.

Vast inequality in per-person investment

In the glory days of Aotearoa’s public transport, you had regular buses or trams whether you lived in a regional town like Napier or New Plymouth, or a main centre like Auckland or Wellington. Timetables promised services at least every 20 minutes, seven days a week from 6am to 11pm.

A big change in public transport funding around this time saw the concentration of investment in main centres. Today, the differences in how much funding public transport in your area gets per person, depending on where you live, are extreme:

Source data and data disclaimer

You might look at these differences and think they’re fine because fewer people use public transport in the regions. True, but is it cause or effect? Do low passenger numbers mean more investment is futile, or does low investment keep passenger numbers low?

Looking at regions that have increased public transport investment helps answer that.

In 2017 Queenstown began a new, regular timetable with buses seven days a week, at least every half hour from 6am to midnight. In its first year alone, passenger numbers grew 182%.

New public transport projects in even smaller towns have been a raging success, like Timaru’s MyWay on-demand bus service, now chalking up some 600 boardings a day. Taranaki’s rural Connector bus saw passengers triple between 2021 and 2022, and Otago’s Palmerston-Dunedin bus is, according to some, so popular it’s getting dangerous.

Success stories like these question the wisdom that the biggest possible gains from public transport investment are in Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch, Hamilton and Tauranga. Half of New Zealanders live somewhere else – likely somewhere with very limited public transport that could be rapidly improved if only the investment were there.

Public transport advocate, elevator operator and muso Anthonie Tonnon, champion of Whanganui’s new high-frequency bus Te Ngaru The Tide, explains the quick wins of investing in regional public transport:

“For Auckland to double or triple patronage now they’ll need expensive long-term interventions like new infrastructure and bus priority. They should absolutely do that, but we’re missing the low-hanging fruit: There’s an Auckland-sized city of people living in urban areas like Dunedin, Napier, New Plymouth and Whanganui. If we can increase their public transport use as much as Queenstown did just by investing in improved routes and timetables, we can make a huge dent in emissions cheaply and quickly.”

Whanganui’s new bus service, Te Ngaru The Tide, runs every 20 minutes, six days a week

As bus driver shortages haven’t hit regional New Zealand as hard as big cities (Whanganui contractor Tranzit successfully recruited some 22 new drivers for their new bus earlier this year) expanding services in the regions is likely to be more successful from a staffing point of view too.

Investing in regional public transport may also save more emissions. Ministry of Transport research suggests those outside major centres drive more. Gisborne tops average annual kilometres driven per person, at 10,477, with Taranaki a close second at 9,934. Wellington is the country’s lowest at 5,989. Gaining a passenger in Taranaki or Gisborne would on average reduce driving by nearly double that of gaining a passenger in Wellington.

Public transport key to building back better

In flood-hit areas like Hawke’s Bay, Northland and East Coast, expanding public transport will now be even more necessary. We’ve seen cars crushed in slips, filled with silt and simply swept away. Those with no insurance – the least well-off – won’t be able to replace them anytime soon.

The rebuild will need all the labour we can get. We can’t afford to have people not working because they don’t have transport.

Napier resident and Repair Café organiser Helen Howard offers a local perspective: “The public transport network in Hawke’s Bay is woeful today. The expressway between Napier and Hastings and the road via Clive have been bumper-to-bumper since they reopened. In the midst of both climate and cost-of-living crises, we need investment in regular, reliable and affordable public transport more than ever.”

Funding public transport more equally to reduce inequality

The government must not pursue this plan to transfer investment away from regional public transport. The numbers don’t add up, whether the goal is to ease the cost of living, reduce vehicle use or build back better in flood-hit regions. All indications point to regional public transport as one of the best possible ways to achieve all these goals and to do it fast.

Beyond that, a government committed to reducing inequality must look to equalise per-person public transport spending across the motu so that those without transport – no matter where they live – see equal investment. We should not fund public transport in the main centres any less, but instead find ways to plug the regional funding gap – especially in areas badly hit by floods. We can’t leave the regions behind – least of all in this time of climate chaos.

Keep going!
MP Stuart Nash wearing a suit and pasted over a red and blue background
Stuart Nash (Image: Bianca Cross)

PoliticsMarch 16, 2023

What Stuart Nash did wrong – and why he had to go

MP Stuart Nash wearing a suit and pasted over a red and blue background
Stuart Nash (Image: Bianca Cross)

A minister phoning the police commissioner to talk about a court sentence – and then boasting about it on radio – goes straight to the heart of the rule of law, writes Graeme Edgeler.

Stuart Nash has resigned from his portfolio as minister of police following public statements that he had spoken to the commissioner of police to ask whether police would be appealing a sentence. There are suggestions this was about interfering with a prosecution, something ministers have to avoid doing. But even if there was no actual interference, the propriety of a minister making the call in the first place, and then going on radio to state he had, while also commenting about a particular court case, raises concerns about judgment. Nash remains in cabinet as the minister of economic development, forestry and oceans and fisheries.

Why is police independence important?

For the most part, the role of those people working in the public service is to give effect to decisions taken by the government. The police are a very clear exception to this, in both the Policing Act and the Cabinet Manual.

This is long-standing, and arises for all the obvious reasons: it’s important for the rule of law that those in political power cannot direct prosecutions away from their friends and toward their opponents. It’s important that the public can have confidence that the investigation and prosecution of offending is independent, so that people will be willing to assist police with their inquiries and to take part. In countries where police aren’t viewed as impartial, respect for the rule of law tends to break down.

Similar concerns apply to the courts, which Nash also took the opportunity to pass comment on. The existence of independent courts plays a beneficial role across society, even in things as varied as the willingness of others to invest in New Zealand businesses. If judges take their orders from the government, or even if the government is seen as trying to apply pressure to judges, public respect for the institutions may suffer.

It seems likely there was no actual interference here. Would that have made a difference?

The perception of interference is generally what we’re concerned about, because the alternative is much more serious. Actual interference in a prosecution might affect whether the courts would even be willing to let a prosecution continue. I can’t think of a case of this ever happening in New Zealand, but this has been known in the US: interference by the Nixon White House in the prosecution of Daniel Ellsberg for espionage around the Pentagon Papers was considered so egregious, it formed part of the reason a judge threw out the case.

Vigilance around interactions like those here between a government minister and the commissioner of police hopefully stops us getting even close to that.

Is the commissioner of police even involved in charging decisions?

No. Initial charging decisions are made by the officer in charge of a case. They may get advice from the police legal section or even a crown solicitor, but it’s up to the cop. More serious cases will have more senior officers in charge, and they can discuss it with others, but it’s on them. Prosecutors can advise if asked, and drop or change the charges later if they take responsibility for the prosecution, but at the start, whoever is investigating determines whether to charge.

For really high-profile cases (think the Christchurch terror attack), the commissioner or someone else senior may be apprised when a decision is made (so they can answer/decline to answer media questions at a press conference), but that’s for information. They aren’t making the decision.

Stuart Nash (Photo: Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images)

Does the same rule apply to appeal decisions?

Yes, but also no. The commissioner still isn’t involved, but police don’t really make the decision either, because appeal decisions are made at Crown Law. Whoever was responsible for the prosecution at that point (which might be the police legal section, or possibly a Crown prosecutor by now) may decide it is a good idea to appeal, and they will refer the matter to Crown Law to consider. They make the decision, not police, and not even Crown prosecutors. Prosecution appeals are generally only brought if there is a particular public interest in establishing something about the law.

So, Stuart Nash resigned because he asked someone with no power to do something that person couldn’t do?

Asking the police commissioner about an ongoing case (and potentially interfering with a prosecution) wasn’t the only thing Nash did. It was merely the first thing he did. Nash also: publicly commented (more than once) on the result of court sentencing, something the Cabinet Manual prohibits, and Nash said that judges “need to read the room on this”, which adds a risk not only to the independence of police, but also the independence of courts.

Ministers exercise the powers of the Crown. They should not be telling judges how to rule, least of all in cases where the Crown is one of the parties.

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Nash wasn’t minister of police at the time of the phone call – does that make a difference?

No.

Not least because he was minister of police when he made the comments on radio, but also because under New Zealand’s constitutional system of cabinet government, every minister can act as any other minister. The Cabinet Manual bans all ministers from interfering with prosecutions and all ministers from publicly commenting on sentences or interfering with court cases.

Nash was a minister at the time, and he was a minister when he spoke on the radio about what he had done and how he still felt about the decision.

Why has he only gone from the police portfolio then?

The Cabinet Manual is a set of guidelines for ministers. It doesn’t provide for an automatic loss of minister office for any breach. It’s up to the prime minister to decide whether a breach is serious enough for any punishment, and whether that’s enough is something voters can take into account.

Is there anything more we need to know about?

We know a little about the case, but it would be good to know whether police asked Crown Law for permission to appeal.

Also, one of things that should help protect police independence is the commissioner of police. Did the commissioner tell the minister to stick to his knitting and not to make such comments again? Presumably not, given Nash went on radio and boasted? Did the commissioner alert the Cabinet Office that it had happened? And if not, should steps be taken to make sure that should this happen again, we don’t have to rely on a live radio confession for the issue to be resolved?


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