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New Zealand.
New Zealand.

SocietyNovember 28, 2016

NZ baby boomers are building a banana republic, and no one gives a shit

New Zealand.
New Zealand.

The Treasury has made it clear that current superannuation policies will turn our country into a debt-ridden basket case, and yet media remain largely silent and politicians in denial. Young people need to get voting in a hurry, writes David Seymour.

Back when Prime Minister Rob “leave the country no worse than I found it” Muldoon practically bankrupted the government, wisecracking that “New Zealanders wouldn’t know a deficit if they tripped over one”, Ruth Richardson called deficits “fiscal child abuse” and changed the script. By making governments declare their financial position right before an election she ensured governments don’t dare run a deficit without a really good excuse, or voters punish them, as Helen Clark discovered in 2008.

Fast forward to 2016, and if running deficits was child abuse, younger voters today are guilty of self-mutilation. By refusing to take part in mainstream politics, the majority of us too young to remember the 70s or much of the 80s are ensuring politics benefit older voters at our expense. Stat: last election only 49 per cent of 18-29 year olds actually voted.

New Zealand.
New Zealand.

Recent case in point: You could be forgiven for missing that the Treasury published its four-yearly Long-term Fiscal Outlook this week (please, please stay with me, I promise this is worth it). The gist of the report is the same as the previous two editions: If no policy changes are made, by 2060, when current students reach retirement age, government debt will be 206 per cent of GDP. In other words national debt will equal two years’ income, worse than the current debt of countries world famous for being fiscally screwed such as Zimbabwe (203 per cent) Greece (179 per cent), Italy (133 per cent) and Portugal (121 per cent). No matter how well you prepare for retirement, you’ll be living in a banana republic.

The reason? Ageing baby boomers who will be more numerous and longer-lived in retirement than any generation before them. Right now there are four working-aged taxpayers supporting every retiree, but by the time current university students retire there will be only two.

The cost of pensions and healthcare as a share of the economy will double, the government will run large deficits, and the international financial community will demand higher interest rates on New Zealand government debt, leading to larger deficits. A death spiral that ends in that same community imposing “tough medicine” for the New Zealand economy as a condition of rolling over the government’s debt. This has happened to Thailand, Indonesia, Argentina, and Greece during recent crises, where foreign lenders took over policy making for those countries through the IMF.

Obviously that won’t that happen here because we’ve got a whole generation to avoid it, right? As the Treasury says: “governments have many options at their disposal to address these challenges, but the challenge gets harder the longer we delay.” Only the wording has changed since their 2009 report said, “The trade-offs become harder and the changes required get more severe as each year of inaction passes.” The realistic options are to raise taxes or cut spending, and the only question is when.

The first way of absorbing the change is to raise taxes by about a quarter, so GST becomes nearly 20 per cent and the top tax rate goes over 40 per cent, along with every other rate being increased by the same proportion. People embarking on their careers now would pay a 25 per cent extra “boomer tax” for being born at the wrong time. Already the polling data shows younger voters want tax cuts more than older ones.

Another alternative is extreme productivity growth, the private economy grows faster than ever for longer than ever, and public services become more efficient than ever. We basically trade our way out of this situation and become so rich we can afford all-you-can-eat pensions and healthcare for retiring boomers. The problem is that pensions are tied to income so getting wealthier just increases the amount paid out. As countries get richer, there are always more new medical treatments to plough money into, so getting richer won’t do much to reduce these costs.

The final option is to adjust pension entitlements. Follow Australia, the US, UK, Germany, Canada, to name a few, who have increased the retirement age so there are more workers and fewer pension recipients. That will send a few people over the edge just reading about it, there are no easy options.

You might think that such a major long-term issue would command the focus of political coverage in New Zealand this past week, after Trumpocalypse and Kaikoura earthquake coverage had peaked. Ruth Richardson’s reforms ensure voters won’t stand short term benefits, so long-term ones should be key? Nonetheless I can almost guarantee this is the first you’ve read of it.

In the 24 hours after the report’s release, there was near total radio (and other media) silence. Bernard Hickey wrote an excellent piece for the NBR, where he pointed out how negligent the rest of the press had been. Radio New Zealand, the station publicly funded to foment public debate? Nada. The two TV news channel? Nothing. The country’s paper of record? Zilch. Commercial radio? Mike Hosking gave the report a dismissive rant then moved on. Only Hamish Rutherford from Stuff and Bernard Hickey acknowledged its existence. I tried to spark some interest, but despite being covered on TV, radio and in print for everything from the demise of the jelly bean to three Strikes laws, tax, and driving up volcanoes this week, I couldn’t get a single outlet to cover this report.

(Update: I have subsequently been contacted by Brian Fallow at the Herald who protests that he did write about the article after all. Well done him.)

What about politicians? John Key has torpedoed the debate by saying he’d rather resign than raise the pension age, effectively saying to his supporters: choose fiscal sustainability, or me. Labour and the Greens have followed suit, abandoning the policy after the last election. New Zealand First would rather serve yum cha at their party conference than debate the issue.

Almost every political leader is holding their hands up to their ears and chanting, “la la la la la.”

Media and politicians alike get away with it because young people just don’t GOTV (Get Out The Vote). Last election 49 per cent of 18-29 year olds votes, compared with 85 per cent of over 65s. When you’re running for office, the first priority is those who vote. Why would you consume political news if you were never going to vote, and what media outlet would produce news that nobody is going to consume?

Long term sustainability gets ignored because the very people it will effect in time are disengaged from the issue. We can’t disengage forever though. As the Treasury says “the changes required get more severe as each year of inaction passes.” GOTV.

David Seymour is the leader of the ACT Party.

Keep going!
Leonie Freeman wants to fix housing in New Zealand – she might be the only person with the CV to do it. (image: supplied)
Leonie Freeman wants to fix housing in New Zealand – she might be the only person with the CV to do it. (image: supplied)

SocietyNovember 28, 2016

Leonie Freeman has a simple plan to solve the housing crisis. Will she be allowed to put it into action?

Leonie Freeman wants to fix housing in New Zealand – she might be the only person with the CV to do it. (image: supplied)
Leonie Freeman wants to fix housing in New Zealand – she might be the only person with the CV to do it. (image: supplied)

Fixing the housing crisis in Auckland is simple, according to Leonie Freeman. She knows how to do it. But, asks Simon Wilson, will anyone let her?

Leonie Freeman wears a Fitbit on one wrist and a watch on the other and she talks in the same way as Helen Clark – not the deep voice but the same extremely broad Kiwi vowels and long sentences. She’s a woman itching to get moving, doing her best to sit still. And what’s made her so antsy, so keen to get up and make stuff happen, is this: she’s solved the housing crisis.

Well. Not actually solved. But the next best thing. She’s worked out how to solve it. And all she wants now is for all the participants – the developers, the financiers, the community groups and all the other NGOs, the government and its agencies, the council and its agencies, the builders and designers and planners, the churches and the other charities – all of them, all she wants is for them to commit to her plan, stage one, which means funding her to get started.

Is she mad? Well, as it happens, no she isn’t.

Leonie Freeman wants to fix housing in New Zealand – she might be the only person with the CV to do it. (image: supplied)
Leonie Freeman wants to fix housing in New Zealand – she might be the only person with the CV to do it. (image: supplied)

Leonie Freeman is an entrepreneur. She’s worked in housing a long time and she’s been all over: in the private sector with start-up companies, property management and venture capital; in the public sector as departmental manager and consultant, for central and local government. She’s a company director and a member of the businesswomen’s group Global Women. She was chosen by finance minister Bill English to lead his review of social housing late last year.

And having done all that, she’s come up with a plan. A plan “to solve Auckland’s housing crisis”. Four steps, each with a set of identified and measurable targets.

She knows it’s a big ask. She’s not fazed because she’s done this before. In 1996 she launched a website called realENZ.co.nz, now known as realestate.co.nz, and this was really back in the day. Nobody had heard of disruption, nobody understood much about the internet; even Trade Me was still three years away. The real estate companies told her she was mad. “They said to me, ‘No one will buy property like this.’”

We know all about disruption now. Changing the way something is done so profoundly that the old way pretty much disappears. Using the new way of doing things to make possible something that was not possible before. Using that thing to solve a problem that could not be solved.

We know it, now, but we’re still much better at accepting it after it happens than being able to see what’s coming next. Solve Auckland’s housing crisis? Are you kidding? Here’s what Leonie Freeman wants to do…

Step 1: Create a vision for the city. Freeman’s vision is: “Housing at the heart of connecting and strengthening communities.”

She has six key targets. One: address the shortage of housing by building 125,000 new homes by 2025 and 420,000 by 2045. That’s the same goal as in the council’s Unitary Plan. Freeman wants 50 per cent of them to be “affordable homes”.

Step 2: Raise home ownership levels to 65 per cent by 2025, including among Māori and Pacific Islanders. Three: improve the quality of existing homes so that 95 per cent of them are “classified as warm, safe and dry”. Four: create 3000 more social housing dwellings by 2018, ensuring that by 2025, 20 per cent of social housing is provided by the community housing sector and also that the needs of the elderly are fully met.

Enough big goals already? Leonie Freeman hasn’t finished. Five: eliminate homelessness in the city by 2022. Hamilton, she points out, has largely achieved this over the last two years. And six: strengthen communities with better tenure options for tenants. Also this: she wants 80 per cent of residents in every part of the city to rank their community as “highly desirable”.

No pressure, then. Step 2, right now, is the critical one. It’s about structure. Freeman calls her approach “Collective Impact”. It means getting everyone in a room and not letting them out until…

If only. It means, as she puts it, to have “all the groups – government, non-profit, philanthropic and private sector” – work together as partners. Agreeing the goals, coordinating to achieve them. She points to similar projects in Canada, Chicago and other parts of the US. The way to make Collective Impact happen, she says, is for the groups to set up a new non-for-profit organisation to sit in the middle of it all. She wants to call it Housing Connect.

Step 3: Create a Housing Framework, a way of seeing the issue that allows the initiatives of the disparate groups to be coordinated. She’s got a wheel diagram, moving from demand in the centre out to influencers like regulations and market forces, then out to delivery mechanism and finally to communication. Always important to sell the story.

Step 4: The action plan. She hasn’t got that plan yet, because that’s not how the process works. Housing Connect and its constituent groups have to create it and own it, not her.

If the city is to be flooded with new housing, we'll lose a few villas and gain a lot of these. (image: Rebecca Zephyr Thomas)
If the city is to be flooded with new housing, we’ll lose a few villas and gain a lot of these. (image: Rebecca Zephyr Thomas)

Leonie Freeman doesn’t say it and possibly doesn’t think it, but what she wants to do is new politics. It goes like this. There’s consensus we have a complex and far-reaching problem. There’s consensus that central and local government, the private sector and the not-for-profit sector have to solve it together.

There’s consensus we need to build more homes, especially for those who struggle to buy a home and those who cannot even find a decent place to live. Freeman’s vision, putting housing at the heart of communities, is probably universally shared.

So if we have all that consensus, why would we leave it to adversarial party politics to get everything done? In the new politics, you do indeed get everyone in a room, to work on solutions acceptable to everyone. It’s constructive engagement, and because the decision makers and the money and the people who will actually do the work are all there, the outcomes can be profoundly effective.

Not that it’s easy. You need to have the range of political forces in the room, because the Opposition has things to contribute and because you don’t want the decisions undone next time there’s an election. And it’s not perfect. Inside that room, the politicking is going to be intense and the outcomes can be skewed to one side or another – we saw some of that in the report of Auckland Council’s Consensus Working Group on the port earlier this year.

But this is a problem we have to solve. For the sake of all of Auckland’s citizens, for everyone’s health and wellbeing and aspirations, we have to solve it. What we do about housing is the test of who we are.

Leonie Freeman has thrown down a challenge. She’s said, we can solve this and here’s how we go about it. Next move: all those affected groups, they need to engage. Freeman’s been talking to them all and she’s given them a deadline of the end of this month.

She doesn’t expect them to do everything. She simply wants, at this stage, for them to fund her next step, which is a six-month detailed feasibility study. She’s waiting for the money. You can find out more at thehomepage.nz. Good name, right? Good project too.

Meanwhile, she is not alone. The 18 For 4 Campaign was launched in Auckland this month by a group of 16 housing providers under the umbrella of the Auckland Community Housing Providers’ Network (ACHPN). Mayor Phil Goff was there and he made a speech: he said he doesn’t want to be mayor of a city that puts up with 20 per cent of its citizens paying 60 per cent of their household income on rent. Developers like Mark Todd from Ockham were there, along with ACHPN members like the Monte Cecilia Housing Trust, VisionWest Community Trust and Whai Maia, the iwi development arm of Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei.

Eighteen for 4: the name declares the strategy. Four houses on large sections can become 18 homes. And of those 18 homes, the formula is that eight will be social housing units for rent, four will be affordable homes for purchase and six will be homes for “assisted ownership”, which means rent to buy.

Do this badly, as we saw in Glen Innes, and you attack the very community you’re trying to help. Do it well and we have a city worth living in. Community housing providers in Auckland are determined to do it well. They’ve got success stories, like Kāinga Tuatahi, which is Ngāti Whātua’s affordable housing project on Kupe St in Ōrākei, designed by architects Stevens Lawson and landscapers Boffa Miskell.

But they don’t have scale. Currently, among them, the 16 ACHPN members are making a new home available every two days. To hit Leonie Freeman’s target of 125,000 new homes by 2025, half of them affordable, that needs to become at least 20 every day.

Daunting, for sure. But there’s something going on here. Freeman is an entrepreneur who can’t stand it anymore. ACHPN is a bunch of community groups who want to make it work, if only they can be unleashed. Is the council going to take it seriously? Is the government? Is the private sector? Watch this space.

Want to know more? Go to thehomepage.nz and achpn.net.nz